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Xun Yu
荀彧
Prefect of the Masters of Writing (尚書令)
(acting)
In office
196 (196)–212 (212)
MonarchEmperor Xian of Han
ChancellorCao Cao
Succeeded byHua Xin
Personal details
Born163[a]
Xuchang, Henan
Died212 (aged 49)[a]
Shou County, Anhui
RelationsSee Xun family of Yingchuan
Children
Parent
  • Xun Gun (father)
OccupationStatesman, adviser
Courtesy nameWenruo (文若)
Posthumous nameMarquis Jing (敬侯)
PeerageMarquis of Wansui Village
(萬歲亭侯)

Xun Yu (163–212), courtesy name Wenruo, was a Chinese statesman who lived in the late Eastern Han dynasty and served as an adviser to the warlord Cao Cao.[1] Born in the influential Xun family of Yingchuan Commandery (around present-day Xuchang, Henan), Xun Yu started his career as an official in 189 but resigned and returned home a year later when the warlord Dong Zhuo seized control of the central government. Around 191, he joined the warlord Cao Cao, who regarded him highly and took him as one of his key advisers. In 194, while Cao Cao was away on a campaign in Xu Province, Xun Yu guarded Cao Cao's base in Yan Province, and managed to prevent at least three counties from falling into the hands of a rival warlord, Lü Bu, until Cao Cao returned to deal with the crisis.

In 196, Xun Yu urged Cao Cao to receive Emperor Xian and bring him to his base in Xu (present-day Xuchang, Henan), where the new imperial capital was established. Although the emperor was merely a nominal figurehead ruler under Cao Cao's control, he nonetheless symbolised imperial authority and legitimised Cao Cao's military campaigns against rival warlords. The emperor also appointed Xun Yu as a Palace Attendant and acting Prefect of the Masters of Writing.[2] In the subsequent years leading up to the Battle of Guandu in 200, Xun Yu accurately assessed Cao Cao's strengths and weaknesses vis-à-vis his northern rival, Yuan Shao, and urged Cao Cao to press on during the battle and seize any opportunity to defeat Yuan. For his achievements and contributions, in 203 Emperor Xian, acting on Cao Cao's recommendation, honoured Xun Yu by enfeoffing him as a village marquis. Xun Yu also provided crucial advice to Cao Cao at other pivotal moments in the warlord's life, including dissuading Cao Cao from restoring the Nine Provinces system in 204 and advising Cao Cao on how to conquer Jing Province in 208.

Throughout his two-decade long career as both Cao Cao's adviser and a Han statesman, Xun Yu provided multiple suggestions to Cao Cao on how to restore peace and stability in the Han Empire. Under Xun Yu's patronage, Cao Cao had recruited a number of capable officials,[3] including Xi Zhicai, Xun You, Chen Qun, Zhong Yao, Guo Jia, Du Xi, Xin Pi and Sima Yi. Ironically, as Xun Yu worked painstakingly to revive the declining Han dynasty by assisting Cao Cao, his efforts inadvertently resulted in the Cao clan's rise to power and overshadowing of the Han dynasty. In 212, when some officials asked Emperor Xian to make Cao Cao a duke, Xun Yu interpreted it as a sign that Cao Cao would eventually usurp the Han throne, so he strongly objected to it. Cao Cao was very displeased. Xun Yu died later that year under mysterious circumstances: one account claimed he died in distress after recognising the tragic irony of his actions while another account recorded he committed suicide after receiving an empty box from Cao Cao.

Although historians hold divided views on whether Xun Yu's allegiance was more towards Cao Cao or the Han dynasty, they all noted that he possessed keen foresight and made excellent judgments on people's abilities and talents. Described as a virtuous, brilliant, elegant and refined Confucian gentleman who, despite his achievements and social standing, remained humble and incorruptible, Xun Yu was highly respected and praised by his contemporaries, who compared him to the Confucian sage Yan Hui and the early Western Han dynasty statesman Zhang Liang.

Historical sources on Xun Yu's life

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There are two official biographies of Xun Yu. The first is in Volume 10 of the Records of the Three Kingdoms (Sanguozhi), which was written by Chen Shou in the third century. The second is in volume 70 of the Book of the Later Han (Houhanshu), which was written by Fan Ye in the fifth century.

In the fifth century, Pei Songzhi annotated the Sanguozhi by incorporating information from other sources to Chen Shou's original work and adding his personal commentary. Some alternative texts used in the annotations to the Sanguozhi include: the Xun Yu Biezhuan (荀彧別傳; Unofficial Biography of Xun Yu), by an unknown writer; the Xun Shi Jia Zhuan (荀氏家傳; Xun Family Genealogy); the Dianlue (典略), believed to be based on parts of Yu Huan's Weilue; the Cao Man Zhuan (曹瞞傳; Biography of Cao Man), by an unknown writer; the Pingyuan Mi Heng Zhuan (平原禰衡傳; Biography of Mi Heng of Pingyuan), by an unknown writer; the Wei Shi Chunqiu (魏氏春秋; Chronicles of the Ruling Family of Wei), by Sun Sheng; the Xiandi Chunqiu (獻帝春秋; Chronicles of Emperor Xian), by Yuan Wei (袁暐).

Physical appearance

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Xun Yu's original biography in the Sanguozhi did not contain any description about his physical appearance, hence Pei Songzhi included excerpts from other sources when he annotated the Sanguozhi. The Dianlue described Xun Yu as "extraordinary and good-looking".[Sanguozhi zhu 1] When asked to assess Xun Yu, who was good-looking, Mi Heng once said: "Wenruo has the face of a mourner at a funeral."[Sanguozhi zhu 2] Pan Xu (潘勗), who wrote an epitaph for Xun Yu, also mentioned that Xun Yu had an "extraordinary and talented appearance".[Sanguozhi zhu 3]

Background and early career

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Xun Yu's ancestral home was in Yingyin County (潁陰縣), Yingchuan Commandery (穎川郡), which is in present-day Xuchang, Henan.[Sanguozhi 2][Houhanshu 1] He came from a highly prestigious family background.[b] When he was still a youth, the scholar He Yong evaluated him and remarked that he was "a talent capable of assisting rulers".[Sanguozhi 3][Houhanshu 2]

In 189, Xun Yu was nominated as a xiaolian (civil service candidate) and commissioned as a palace guard. Around 190, when the warlord Dong Zhuo came to power and controlled the Han central government, Xun Yu requested to be assigned a post outside the capital Luoyang. He was appointed as the Prefect of Gangfu County (亢父縣; south of present-day Jining, Shandong). However, after leaving Luoyang, he resigned and returned to his hometown in Yingchuan Commandery. Han Rong (韓融), who was also from Yingchuan, had already brought Xun Yu's relatives (numbering over 1,000 households) to take shelter in the hills west of Mi County (密縣; west of present-day Zhengzhou, Henan). Foreseeing that war would soon come to Yingchuan Commandery because of its strategic location, he tried to warn his fellow townsfolk and urged them to leave quickly, but they were reluctant to do so due to their strong emotional attachment to their homeland.[Sanguozhi 4][Houhanshu 3]

Around the time, Han Fu, the Governor of Ji Province, had sent troops to Yingchuan Commandery to escort anyone who was willing to migrate to Ji Province. No one left except Xun Yu, who brought along his family and relatives as well.[Houhanshu 4] By the time Xun Yu reached Ji Province, the warlord Yuan Shao had seized control of Ji Province from Han Fu and replaced him as the Governor. Yuan Shao treated Xun Yu like an honoured guest and took him as an adviser. He also accepted a few others from Yingchuan as his advisers, including Xun Yu's brother Xun Chen, Xin Ping and Guo Tu. Xun Yu clearly expressed his wish to serve the Han dynasty and save it from collapse.[Sanguozhi 5][Houhanshu 5]

Joining Cao Cao

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Xun Yu perceived that Yuan Shao would not become successful eventually and wanted to leave him. Around the time, the warlord Cao Cao, who held the appointment of General Who Inspires Martial Might (奮武將軍), was based in the nearby Dong Commandery (東郡; around present-day Puyang County, Henan). In 191, Xun Yu left Yuan Shao and joined Cao Cao. Overjoyed at Xun Yu's arrival, Cao Cao remarked: "This is my Zifang." He appointed Xun Yu, then 28 years old, as an Army Major Who Inspires Martial Might (奮武司馬). In the following year, Xun Yu became Army Major Who Guards the East (鎮東司馬).[Sanguozhi 6][Houhanshu 6]

Around the time, Dong Zhuo was still in a dominant position and in control of the Han central government. When Cao Cao consulted Xun Yu on the situation, Xun Yu said: "Dong Zhuo's cruelty will bring him nothing but destruction. He won't achieve anything great." Dong Zhuo sent his subordinate Li Jue and others to plunder and pillage the lands east of Hangu Pass until Yingchuan and Chenliu commanderies (around present-day Xuchang and Kaifeng, Henan). Xun Yu's townsfolk who chose to remain in their hometown were killed. In 192, after Cao Cao became the Governor of Yan Province and later General Who Guards the East (鎮東將軍), Xun Yu constantly accompanied him into battle as an Army Major to advise him.[Sanguozhi 7]

Cao Cao once asked Xun Yu: "Who can replace you as my adviser?" Xun Yu replied: "Xun You and Zhong Yao." When Cao Cao asked him about talented people, Xun Yu first recommended Xi Zhicai (戲志才). After Xi Zhicai died, Xun Yu recommended Guo Jia. Cao Cao knew that Xun Yu made excellent judgments about people's talents. Among those whom Xun Yu recommended to Cao Cao, all of them performed their jobs well except for Yan Xiang and Wei Kang.[Sanguozhi 8][Houhanshu 7]

Battle of Yan Province

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Securing Juancheng, Fan and Dong'e counties before Cao Cao's return

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In 194, when Cao Cao was away on a campaign against the warlord Tao Qian in Xu Province, Xun Yu remained behind in Juancheng County to guard Cao Cao's base, Yan Province (covering parts of present-day southwestern Shandong and eastern Henan). During this time, two of Cao Cao's subordinates, Zhang Miao and Chen Gong, rebelled and defected to a rival warlord, Lü Bu. Zhang Miao sent a messenger, Liu Yu (劉翊), to trick Xun Yu into providing Lü Bu's forces with supplies by lying to him that Lü Bu had come to help Cao Cao attack Tao Qian. While the others were puzzled by the sudden request for supplies, Xun Yu was well aware that Zhang Miao and Chen Gong had defected to Lü Bu.[Houhanshu 8] He ordered his men to strengthen their defences and summoned Xiahou Dun to lead troops from Dong Commandery (東郡; around present-day Puyang, Henan and Liaocheng, Shandong) to defend Yan Province. At the time, many of Cao Cao's subordinates had conspired with Zhang Miao and Chen Gong, responded to Lü Bu's call, and defected to his side. Moreover, Cao Cao had left very few troops to guard his home base when he went to attack Tao Qian. When Xiahou Dun arrived, he killed dozens of defectors in one night and restored stability.[Sanguozhi 9]

Around the same time, Guo Gong (郭貢), the Inspector of Yu Province, led thousands of troops to Yan Province. Many people thought that he had come to help Lü Bu so they became very fearful. When Guo Gong asked to meet Xun Yu, Xiahou Dun tried to stop him, saying that since Guo Gong's intentions were unclear, Xun Yu would be taking a big risk in meeting him. Xun Yu said: "In the first place, Guo Gong and Zhang Miao aren't close at all. Since Guo Gong has come so hastily, it must be that he hasn't made up his mind yet. I should seize this opportunity – when he's still undecided – to convince him. Even if he's not on our side, I can still try to convince him to remain neutral. If we suspect him, we might provoke him into siding with Zhang Miao." When Guo Gong saw that Xun Yu was unafraid, he believed that Juancheng County would not fall easily, so he withdrew his troops and returned to Yu Province. Xun Yu then discussed with Cheng Yu and sent him to persuade the officials in Fan County (范縣; west of present-day Liangshan County, Shandong) and Dong'e County to remain loyal to Cao Cao. Among all the counties in Yan Province, only these Juancheng, Fan and Dong'e remained firmly under Cao Cao's control.[Houhanshu 9] When Cao Cao returned from Xu Province, he attacked Lü Bu in Puyang County and eventually drove Lü Bu eastward.[Sanguozhi 10]

Dissuading Cao Cao from attacking Tao Qian

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In the summer of 195, when Cao Cao's forces were stationed at Chengshi County (乘氏縣; east of present-day Heze, Shandong), a famine broke out and there were reportedly multiple instances of cannibalism. As Tao Qian had died of illness in the previous year, Cao Cao wanted to seize the opportunity to attack Xu Province first, and then turn back later to deal with Lü Bu.[Sanguozhi 11][Houhanshu 10]

Xun Yu advised Cao Cao,

"In the past, when Emperor Gaozu guarded Guanzhong and Emperor Guangwu occupied Henei, they used these lands as their key foundations for controlling the Empire. They could achieve both offensive and defensive objectives from their bases. That's why they could still eventually succeed despite suffering some setbacks along the way. General, you started your military conquests in Yan Province and pacified Shandong; the people are happy and willing to submit to you. Besides, as the Yellow and Ji rivers cut across Yan Province, this area is thus a strategic location. Even though it has suffered damage, it can still serve as a base of support. Yan Province is your Guanzhong and Henei; you have to stabilise it first. Now that you have defeated Li Feng (李封) and Xue Lan (薛蘭), if you send troops east to attack Chen Gong, he will definitely not dare to bother the west. We can thus send troops to collect the harvest and stock up supplies in preparation for a decisive strike against Lü Bu. We can also form an alliance with Liu Yao of Yang Province and attack Yuan Shu together, and then capture the lands around the Huai and Si rivers. If you ignore Lü Bu and attack Xu Province, you will face a shortage of manpower: if you leave behind too many troops, you won't have enough men to conquer Xu Province; if you leave behind too few troops, you'll have to conscript civilians to defend your base. You won't get the best out of both. If Lü Bu uses the opportunity to attack us and pillage our lands, the people will be even more terrified. When that happens, we can only retain Juancheng, Fan and Wei counties and lose all the other territories. This is as good as losing the entire Yan Province. Moreover, if you fail to conquer Xu Province, where will you end up? Even though Tao Qian is dead, Xu Province is still not easy to conquer. The people of Xu Province have learnt from their past defeats and will definitely work together more closely out of fear, both within and outside their cities. Now, since the east has already started collecting the harvest, I believe they are adopting a scorched earth strategy and strengthening their defences against our forces. If you fail to conquer Xu Province swiftly and fail to capture sufficient supplies, within ten days your 100,000 strong army[c] will be exhausted and weary before the battle has even started. Furthermore, during your previous campaign in Xu Province, you punished the civilian population harshly.[d] The memories are still fresh in the people's minds, so they will definitely resist you to the death and have not intention of surrendering. Even if you manage to conquer Xu Province, you won't be able to possess it. Trading one thing for another is very common in everyday life. It is possible to trade something big for something small, possible to trade peace for danger, and possible to ignore the peril of having an unstable foundation while forging ahead. There are no gains to be made from either of these three options. I hope you, General, will thoroughly think through again."[Sanguozhi 12][Houhanshu 11]

Cao Cao heeded Xun Yu's advice and dropped the idea of attacking Xu Province. He ordered his troops to collect the harvest and prepare for battle against Lü Bu. He also sent separate forces to recover the lost counties and eventually succeeded in driving Lü Bu out of Yan Province.[Sanguozhi 13][Houhanshu 12]

Urging Cao Cao to receive Emperor Xian

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In 196, Cao Cao had defeated the Yellow Turban rebels in Yan Province. Around the time, Emperor Xian had escaped from being held hostage in Chang'an and returned to the ruins of the old capital, Luoyang. Cao Cao wanted to receive the emperor and bring him to his own base in Xu (許; present-day Xuchang, Henan). However, some of Cao Cao's subordinates disapproved of this idea and pointed out that the Shandong region had yet to be pacified. They also said that it might be difficult to deal with the White Wave Bandits (led by Han Xian and Yang Feng) and their ally Zhang Yang, who had provided shelter and protection to Emperor Xian in Luoyang.[Sanguozhi 14][Houhanshu 13]

Xun Yu advised Cao Cao:

"In the past, when Duke Wen of Jin restored King Xiang of Zhou to the throne, he earned the respect of the other vassal lords. When Emperor Gaozu was attacking Xiang Yu, he ordered his troops to mourn Emperor Yi of Chu and gained popular support. Since the Emperor got into trouble, General, you were the first to raise a righteous army to help the Emperor. However, due to the chaotic situation in Shandong, you were unable to leave Shandong and travel to Hangu Pass to save the Emperor. Nevertheless, you still sent your subordinates to maintain contact with the Imperial Court. You have provided external protection for the Imperial Court, and the Imperial Family is constantly on your mind. This has always been your ambition, General: To uphold the stability of the Empire. Now, the Emperor has returned to the old capital, which is in ruins. Righteous men want to serve the Imperial Court and the people feel sad when they recall the good old days. If you can use this opportunity to follow the people's wishes and revive the Empire, you will earn popular support; if you can win over the other lords through your fairness and impartiality, you will gain a grand strategic advantage; if you can uphold righteousness and attract talents to join you, you will gain a virtuous reputation. There may be rebellious elements out there, but they won't drag the Empire down. Clearly, Han Xian, Yang Feng and the others won't dare to cause trouble. If you don't restore stability now, traitorous sentiments will start brewing throughout the Empire. By the time you decide to support the Emperor, it will be too late already."[Sanguozhi 15][Houhanshu 14]

Cao Cao travelled to Luoyang, received Emperor Xian and escorted him to Xu (許; present-day Xuchang, Henan), where the new imperial capital was established. Emperor Xian appointed Cao Cao as General-in-Chief (大將軍) and Xun Yu as a Palace Attendant (侍中) and acting Prefect of the Masters of Writing (尚書令). He often remained in the capital to manage state affairs while Cao Cao led his forces to attack other warlords. Cao Cao also frequently consulted Xun Yu on important state and military affairs.[Sanguozhi 16][Houhanshu 15] As he held the appointment of Prefect of the Masters of Writing, Xun Yu was often respectfully referred to as "Xun Lingjun" (荀令君), which roughly means "Gentleman Prefect Xun" or "Lord Prefect Xun".

Evaluation of Cao Cao and Yuan Shao's strengths and weaknesses

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After Cao Cao received Emperor Xian and brought him to his own base in Xu (許; present-day Xuchang, Henan), he heard that Yuan Shao was very unhappy about it. At the time, Yuan Shao controlled most of the territories north of the Yellow River and instilled much fear in many people. In the meantime, Cao Cao worried about the threats posed by Lü Bu in the east and Zhang Xiu in the south; he had even lost to Zhang Xiu earlier at the Battle of Wancheng. Yuan Shao became more aggressive and wrote a rudely worded letter to Cao Cao, who turned very furious and behaved differently from his usual self. His subordinates thought that he was still frustrated by his recent defeat at Wancheng. When Zhong Yao asked Xun Yu for his opinion, Xun Yu said: "Lord Cao is intelligent and wise. He won't dwell on the past. He must have something else bothering him." When Xun Yu met Cao Cao, the latter showed him Yuan Shao's letter and said: "I want to attack this unrighteous man, but I am worried that my military power is weaker than his. What should I do?"[Sanguozhi 17]

Xun Yu replied:

"Throughout the history of war, those who are truly capable will eventually become powerful even though they may initially be weak; those who are incapable, no matter how powerful they initially were, would eventually become weak. We see this in the Chu–Han Contention between Xiang (Yu) and Liu (Bang). As of today, only Yuan Shao can compete with you. Yuan Shao seems like an open and accommodating person, but he is actually very jealous and insecure, and he constantly doubts his subordinates' loyalty towards him. You are wise, understanding and not bothered by petty issues. You promote people on the basis of merit. You win Yuan Shao in openness. Yuan Shao is hesitant, indecisive and slow to act; you are decisive, quick-thinking and not restricted by formalities. You win him in strategy. Yuan Shao has an ill-disciplined army and is unclear in giving orders; despite having more troops, he won't be able to use them to great effect. You have a well-disciplined army which you control by rule of law; you may have less troops but they are all willing to fight to the death for you. You win him in military power. Yuan Shao comes from an elite background and gained his reputation by using a couple of small tricks; many people who lack talent decide to join him because of his fame. You are benevolent and respectful; you don't yearn for personal glory; you have good self-discipline; you are very generous in rewarding the deserving. This is why the loyal, righteous and truly talented are willing to join you. You win Yuan Shao in virtue. With these four advantages and your support for the Emperor, who dares to oppose you when you uphold righteousness and attack those who don't submit? What use will Yuan Shao's power be to him?"[Sanguozhi 18]

Cao Cao was pleased. Xun Yu continued saying: "Even if you decide not to attack Lü Bu first, Hebei is still not easy to conquer." Cao Cao said: "Yes. What I am worried about is that Yuan Shao will attack Guanzhong and incite the Qiang people to cause trouble for me, and then induce Shu and Hanzhong commanderies to support him. If that happens, I won't be able to resist five-sixths of all the armies in the Empire with only Yan and Yu provinces under my control. What should I do?" Xun Yu replied: "There are tens of warlords in Guanzhong but they are not united. Only Han Sui and Ma Chao are the most powerful ones. When they see that the east is engulfed in war, they will try to preserve their own power by staying away. If you can send emissaries to pacify them and maintain friendly ties with them, you might not be able to achieve a lasting peace, but you can still ensure that they won't cause trouble for you before you pacify Shandong. You can put Zhong Yao in charge of the affairs in the west. Then you can continue with your conquests without any worries."[Sanguozhi 19][Houhanshu 16]

In 198, Cao Cao defeated Zhang Xiu and Lü Bu, and pacified Xu Province.[Houhanshu 17] Two years later, he engaged Yuan Shao in a power struggle when Yuan led his forces to attack Cao Cao and attempt to conquer Xu (許; present-day Xuchang, Henan). Many people were terrified by the massive size of Yuan Shao's army.[Houhanshu 18] Kong Rong told Xun Yu: "Yuan Shao has many territories and strong armies. He also has intelligent strategists such as Tian Feng and Xu You to advise him. He has loyal followers such as Shen Pei and Pang Ji. Courageous generals such as Yan Liang and Wen Chou lead his armies. It's difficult to win him!"[Sanguozhi 20] Xun Yu replied:

"Yuan Shao may have a lot of troops but they are poorly disciplined. Tian Feng, with his headstrong character, is likely to offend his superiors. Xu You is corrupt and self-indulgent. Shen Pei craves power but lacks strategic thinking; Pang Ji is decisive but highly self-opinionated. With these two men in charge of his home base, if a member of Xu You's family breaks the law, they won't let him off. When that happens, Xu You will definitely rebel. As for Yan Liang and Wen Chou, they possess nothing more than just courage. They can be easily captured in battle."[Sanguozhi 21][Houhanshu 19]

Battles against Yuan Shao

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Urging Cao Cao to press on during the Battle of Guandu

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Around September 200, Cao Cao and Yuan Shao clashed at the Battle of Guandu. Cao Cao had retreated to Guandu (官渡; northeast of present-day Zhongmu County, Henan), which Yuan Shao laid siege to. When Cao Cao ran out of supplies, he wrote to Xun Yu, who was guarding his base in Xu (許; present-day Xuchang, Henan), to discuss his plan for retreating to Xu and distract Yuan Shao.[Sanguozhi 22] Xun Yu replied: "Your army may be lacking supplies, but your situation now is not as bad as the Han forces' situation was during the battles of Xingyang and Chenggao. At the time, neither Liu Bang and Xiang Yu wanted to withdraw his forces because they knew that whoever pulled out first would be disadvantaged. You have only a tenth of the total number of troops the enemy has, yet you managed to hold your ground and prevent the enemy from advancing further for about half a year. The enemy's weaknesses are starting to show and they are growing weary. The situation is about to change. This is a crucial opportunity to exploit the element of surprise; you shouldn't abandon it." Cao Cao thus decided to continue to resist Yuan Shao at Guandu.[Sanguozhi 23][Houhanshu 20]

In November 200, Cao Cao sent a separate force to launch a surprise attack on one of Yuan Shao's camps and killed Chunyu Qiong, one of Yuan's officers. Yuan Shao lost the Battle of Guandu and retreated.[Houhanshu 21] In the meantime, Shen Pei had arrested Xu You's family for breaking the law. In anger, Xu You betrayed Yuan Shao and defected to Cao Cao. Yuan Shao's generals Yan Liang and Wen Chou were also killed in action earlier.[e] Tian Feng was also executed.[f] Everything that happened was just as Xun Yu foresaw earlier when he spoke to Kong Rong.[Sanguozhi 24]

Advising Cao Cao to continue attacking Yuan Shao after the Battle of Guandu

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In early 201, when Cao Cao and his troops were collecting grain in Dongping State (東平國; around present-day Dongping County, Shandong), he realised that he lacked food supplies for a prolonged campaign in northern China. Thus, he wanted to make use of the time while Yuan Shao recovered from his recent defeat at Guandu, to launch an attack on Liu Biao in the south. Xun Yu advised him against it by saying: "Yuan Shao has recently been defeated and his subordinates have lost faith in him. You should use this opportunity, when they are weary, to conquer them. Supposing you leave Yan and Yu provinces and embark on a long-distance campaign to Jiangnan and Hanzhong, if Yuan Shao manages to reassemble his forces and seize the opportunity to attack us while you are away, your achievements will be gone." Cao Cao thus decided to press on the campaign against Yuan Shao.[Sanguozhi 25][Houhanshu 22]

Enfeoffment as a marquis

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In 203,[g] Cao Cao submitted a memorial to the Han imperial court, describing Xun Yu's contributions and asking Emperor Xian to award Xun Yu the title "Marquis of Wansui Village" (萬歲亭侯).[Sanguozhi 26] In his memorial, Cao Cao wrote:

"[...] Palace Attendant and acting Prefect of the Masters of Writing Xun Yu has rendered meritorious service. Despite suffering setbacks, he still maintained his loyalty to, and yearned to serve, the Empire. Since I raised an army of righteousness and embarked on military campaigns, he has worked closely with me, and provided appropriate and timely advice which worked to great effect. [...] With Your Majesty's permission, Xun Yu has served as my close adviser. He has served with loyalty and faithfulness, and performed his duties carefully, conscientiously, thoroughly and effectively. The stability of the Empire owes it to him. I recommend that Your Majesty bestows upon him a title of nobility to honour him for his contributions."[Sanguozhi zhu 6]

Xun Yu initially declined the honour as he felt that he was undeserving since he did not fight on the battlefield. However, Cao Cao wrote a letter to him as follows: "Since I started working with you, I have reestablished the Imperial Court. You have made numerous contributions by supporting the Empire, by recommending talents, by offering advice, and by planning strategies. You don't necessarily need to contribute by fighting on the battlefield. I hope you won't decline the honour." Xun Yu thus accepted the title.[Sanguozhi zhu 7]

Dissuading Cao Cao from restoring the Nine Provinces system

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In 204, Cao Cao defeated Yuan Shang at the Battle of Ye and assumed the appointment of Governor of Ji Province. Someone advised him to restore the Nine Provinces system to expand Ji Province's jurisdiction and hence help him gain more territories, and at the same time force the other regional warlords to submit to him.[Sanguozhi 27]

Just when Cao Cao was about to implement this suggestion,[Houhanshu 24] Xun Yu said:

"If you do so, Ji Province will cover Hedong, Pingyi, Fufeng, Hexi, You and Bing; you will control much territory and people. In the past several days, you had defeated Yuan Shang, captured Shen Pei, and sent shockwaves throughout the Empire. Many warlords are already worried about being unable to keep their territories and private armies. If you force them to cede control of their territories to Ji Province's jurisdiction, you will cause more fear and panic. As of now, many people have been urging the warlords west of Tong Pass to fortify their defences. When they hear that you want to restore the Nine Provinces, they will perceive it as you wanting to grab their territories. When chaos break out, even those who harbour no animosity towards you will be forced to turn against you. Yuan Shang will then be able to prolong his existence and Yuan Tan will start rebelling against you. Liu Biao will be able to keep the Jiang and Han regions under his control. It will be even more difficult for you to pacify the Empire. I hope you can quickly send your troops to pacify Hebei, rebuild the old capital Luoyang, and then launch a southern campaign against Liu Biao to punish him for not sending tribute to the Imperial Court. Only then will everyone understand your intentions and feel more at ease. After the Empire is pacified, then we can discuss restoring the Nine Provinces system. This is to the long term stability and benefit of the Empire."[Sanguozhi 28][Houhanshu 25]

After hearing Xun Yu's advice, Cao Cao said: "If you didn't stop me, I would have had a lot to lose."[Houhanshu 26] He heeded Xun Yu's advice and cast aside the idea of restoring the Nine Provinces.[Sanguozhi 29]

Declining honours and promotions

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In 207, Cao Cao wrote a memorial to Emperor Xian describing how Xun Yu provided crucial advice to him during the Battle of Guandu in 200 CE and dissuaded him from attacking Liu Biao in 201. He also mentioned that Xun Yu's advice came at very decisive moments and stopped him from making decisions with potentially disastrous consequences.[Sanguozhi zhu 8][Houhanshu 27] Cao Cao thus recommended to Emperor Xian to honour Xun Yu for his contributions by awarding him an additional 1,000 taxable households in his marquis fief. The total number of taxable households in Xun Yu's marquis fief thus became 2,000.[Sanguozhi 30] Xun Yu strongly refused to accept but Cao Cao insisted.[Sanguozhi zhu 9][Houhanshu 28]

Cao Cao had also wanted to nominate Xun Yu to serve as one of the Three Ducal Ministers, but Xun Yu firmly declined and asked his second cousin-nephew, Xun You, to reject the offer as well. Cao Cao initially insisted and tried multiple times to persuade Xun Yu to accept the nomination, but eventually relented when Xun Yu strongly refused.[Sanguozhi zhu 10] The Houhanshu recorded that Xun Yu was nominated for promotion from acting Prefect of the Masters of Writing (尚書令) to full Prefect of the Masters of Writing instead of a Ducal Minister. Nevertheless, Xun Yu similarly repeatedly refused to accept.[Houhanshu 29]

Advising Cao Cao on the campaign against Liu Biao

[edit]

Around 208, when Cao Cao was preparing for a southern campaign against Liu Biao, he consulted Xun Yu again for advice. Xun Yu said: "Now that the Central Plains have been pacified, the southerners know that they are in trouble. You can pretend to send troops to attack Wan (宛) and Ye (葉) counties while secretly sending lightly armed forces to attack Liu Biao via another route and catch him off guard." Cao Cao heeded his advice. Around the same time, Liu Biao died of illness before Cao Cao attacked him. Cao Cao conquered Wan and Ye counties and succeeded in forcing Liu Biao's son and successor, Liu Cong, into surrendering Jing Province to him.[Sanguozhi 31][Houhanshu 30]

Death

[edit]

In 212, Dong Zhao and others believed that Cao Cao was worthy of being enfeoffed as a duke, hence they prepared the nine bestowments and other ceremonial equipment. They then secretly approached Xun Yu and sought his opinion.[Sanguozhi 32] Xun Yu disapproved and said:

"Since Lord Cao raised troops to save the Empire and restore peace and stability, he has remained faithful, loyal and sincere, and has maintained his honour by withdrawing and yielding; a gentleman shows his love for others by virtuous advice, so I must speak out now. We shouldn't act like this."[Sanguozhi 33][4]

Cao Cao became unhappy when he heard that Xun Yu opposed his enfeoffment.[Sanguozhi 34][Houhanshu 31]

In the winter of 212–213,[5] when Cao Cao led his forces to attack the warlord Sun Quan, he wrote a memorial to Emperor Xian and proposed sending Xun Yu as a special emissary to Qiao County (譙縣; present-day Bozhou, Anhui) to encourage the troops stationed there. Emperor Xian approved.[Houhanshu 32][Sanguozhi 35]

Xun Yu was then appointed Palace Attendant (侍中), Household Counsellor (光祿大夫) with imperial authority, and Army Adviser to the Chancellor (參丞相軍事). The third appointment, however, removed Xun Yu from the imperial court and placed him directly under Cao Cao's control. As Cao Cao and his troops headed towards Ruxu (濡須; the eastern bank of the Chao Lake, Anhui) to engage Sun Quan's forces, Xun Yu, who had fallen sick, remained behind in Shouchun (壽春; present-day Shou County, Anhui). Xun Yu died in distress not long later at the age of 50 (by East Asian age reckoning). Emperor Xian deeply mourned Xun Yu's death and awarded him the posthumous title "Marquis Jing" (敬侯; literally "respected marquis"). The following year, Cao Cao was enfeoffed by Emperor Xian as the Duke of Wei (魏公).[Sanguozhi 36][Houhanshu 33]

Wei Shi Chunqiu and Houhanshu accounts

[edit]

The Wei Shi Chunqiu and Houhanshu provided an alternative account of Xun Yu's death. They mentioned that Cao Cao had sent a box containing food to Xun Yu. When Xun Yu opened it, he saw it was empty. He then committed suicide by consuming poison.[Houhanshu 34] The Wei Shi Chunqiu further mentioned that in 265, the state of Cao Wei posthumously awarded Xun Yu the appointment of Grand Commandant (太尉).[Sanguozhi zhu 11]

Xiandi Chunqiu account

[edit]

The Xiandi Chunqiu provided another account of Xun Yu's death. After Dong Cheng was executed, Empress Fu wrote to her father Fu Wan (伏完), accusing Cao Cao (then the Minister of Works) of causing Dong Cheng's death and saying that Emperor Xian was very frustrated by the incident. Fu Wan showed Xun Yu the letter, and Xun Yu was so disgusted by it that he did not say anything about it for a long time after that. Fu Wan then showed the letter to his brother-in-law Fan Pu (樊普), who secretly sent a copy to Cao Cao. Cao Cao became more wary of Empress Fu and Fu Wan after that. When Xun Yu learnt that Cao Cao had seen the letter, he immediately rushed to Ye City to meet Cao Cao and tried to persuade him to marry his daughter to Emperor Xian.[Sanguozhi zhu 12]

Cao Cao said: "How can my daughter compare to the current Empress Fu? I gained my status and position through my own merit and contributions; why do I need to rely on my daughter to gain the Emperor's favour?" Xun Yu then said: "Empress Fu has no son. She is of vile character. She often writes to her father and uses offensive language to describe you. You should depose her." Cao Cao then asked: "Why didn't you talk about this previously?" Xun Yu replied: "I did often remind you about this." Cao Cao then said: "This is such an important issue! How can I not remember you mentioning it?" Xun Yu replied: "Alright, I actually didn't tell you. When you were at war with Yuan Shao at Guandu, I was concerned that bringing up this issue would lead to internal chaos, hence I kept quiet." Cao Cao asked: "Then why didn't you talk about it after Guandu?" Xun Yu had nothing to say so he left. Cao Cao secretly bore a grudge against Xun Yu because of this conversation even though he appeared open and receptive towards Xun Yu. No one knew about this incident until later, when Dong Zhao and others suggested to Emperor Xian to enfeoff Cao Cao as a duke. Xun Yu disapproved and wanted to talk to Cao Cao about it.[Sanguozhi zhu 13]

Just before Xun Yu was sent to Qiao County to comfort the troops stationed there, he asked to speak to Cao Cao. Cao Cao knew that he wanted to dissuade him from becoming a duke, so he quickly sent Xun Yu away before Xun could say anything. After Xun Yu died in Shouchun, a defector from Shouchun went to meet Cao Cao's rival, Sun Quan, and told him that Cao Cao had ordered Xun Yu to murder Empress Fu but Xun Yu refused and committed suicide. Sun Quan spread the news to Liu Bei, who exclaimed: "There will be chaos and troubles as long as (Cao Cao) doesn't die."[Sanguozhi zhu 14]

Pei Songzhi, in his annotations to Xun Yu's biography in the Sanguozhi, disputed the Xiandi Chunqiu account and pointed out that there was no evidence to support it. He argued that given Xun Yu's loyal stance towards the Han dynasty, it made no sense for him to advise Cao Cao to depose the empress. Pei Songzhi then accused Yuan Wei (袁暐), who wrote the Xiandi Chunqiu, of fabricating lies to smear men of good moral character like Xun Yu.[Sanguozhi zhu 15]

Historians' views on Xun Yu's divided loyalties

[edit]

Historians have different interpretations of the circumstances surrounding Xun Yu's death which vary according to these historians' political sympathies. Those who hold favourable views of Cao Cao believed that Xun Yu died of natural causes and his death could have been aggravated by the anxiety he felt over his conflicting loyalties to Cao Cao and the Han dynasty. Other historians pointed to how Xun Yu, realising that he had lost Cao Cao's trust after he opposed Cao's enfeoffment as a duke, chose to end his life.[6]

Rafe de Crespigny's views

[edit]

On whether Xun Yu's opposition to Cao Cao's enfeoffment was meant to prevent Cao Cao from usurping the Han throne or simply a well-meaning cautionary note, Rafe de Crespigny wrote:

"We cannot assess Xun Yu's full intention, and he may not have been clear on the matter himself, but Cao Cao was no longer sure of Xun Yu's loyalty. Given the tensions within the warlord regime, the potential political damage from punishing one of his closest associates, who was also a minister of Han and had acted as a patron to many of his officers, was too great for Cao Cao to take direct action. He made his feelings very clear, however, and though Xun Yu's death was something of an embarrassment and spawned many hostile rumours, it did solve the problem."[7]

Pei Songzhi and Fan Ye's views

[edit]

Although historians generally agree that Xun Yu possessed great ability and had good intentions in helping Cao Cao revive the declining Han dynasty, some earlier commentators believed that Xun Yu had failed to foresee the consequences of his support for Cao Cao and suffered from a crisis of conscience when he was confronted with the reality that the Cao family's usurpation of the Han dynasty was inevitable. However, historians such as Pei Songzhi and Fan Ye viewed Xun Yu positively; Pei Songzhi admired Xun Yu as a man of foresight who accepted death for the sake of personal integrity while Fan Ye put him on par with Duanmu Ci, a disciple of Confucius.[8]

Du Mu's views

[edit]

The Tang dynasty poet Du Mu wrote a short essay titled Ti Xun Wenruo Zhuan Hou (題荀文若傳後; Note after reading the Biography of Xun Wenruo). In the essay, Du Mu pointed out two instances where Xun Yu had compared Cao Cao to the Han dynasty emperors: In 195, during the Battle of Yan Province, Xun Yu compared Cao Cao to Emperor Gao and Emperor Guangwu when he dissuaded Cao Cao from attacking Tao Qian; in 200, Xun Yu compared Cao Cao to Emperor Gao again when he urged Cao Cao to press on during the Battle of Guandu. In Du Mu's view, Xun Yu owed his true loyalty to Cao Cao because he had regarded Cao Cao as a man who would become emperor, and that his death was due to his mistake in dithering about the rights of the Han dynasty.[9][10]

Sima Guang's views

[edit]

In the Zizhi Tongjian, the Song dynasty historian Sima Guang defended Xun Yu against claims that he lacked Confucian virtues, and compared him with Guan Zhong:

"Confucius described ren [love for humanity] as the matter of utmost importance. From ... the highest of his followers, to the ... worthy grandees of the feudal lords, none qualified for that description. Only Guan Zhong did he praise for ren, and surely this was because Guan Zhong, assistant to Duke Huan of Qi, gave such great relief to living people. The conduct of Duke Huan resembled that of a dog or a pig, yet Guan Zhong was not ashamed to act as his Chancellor. It is obvious that he saw Duke Huan as the only way to bring aid to the people.[11] In the great disorders at the end of the Han dynasty, the people were in utmost misery, and only a man of exceptional ability could bring them help. Had Xun Yu left Cao Cao, whom should he have served?[12] In the time of Duke Huan of Qi, though the Zhou dynasty was weak, the position was still not so bad as the situation of the Han dynasty at the beginning of the Jian'an era. At that time the whole world was in turmoil and overturned, and the Han dynasty had not a foot of ground nor a single man under its command.[13] Xun Yu assisted Cao Cao to bring about a restoration. He promoted worthy men and gave work to the able; he trained soldiers and drilled troops; he seized opportunities and he developed plans; he fought and was successful in every direction; and so he was able to turn weak into strong and change disorder into good government. Of the ten parts of the Empire, [the state of Wei] had eight.[14] In what respect does the achievement of Xun Yu fall short of that of Guan Zhong. Guan Zhong did not die for Lord Jiu, but Xun Yu died for the Han dynasty. His sense of ren was superior to that of Guan Zhong."[15][16]

In response to Du Mu's criticisms of Xun Yu, Sima Guang wrote:

"... I recall Confucius's saying: 'Literature over reality, that is a scribe.' Whenever a historian records a man's words, he always adds a literary touch. So the comparison of Cao Cao with Emperor Gao and with Emperor Guangwu ..., that is no more than an embellishment by some historian. How can we know Xun Yu really spoke that way? This is criticising him for a fault which is not his.[17] Moreover, if Cao Cao had become emperor, then Xun Yu would have received much of the credit for bringing it about, and he could expect the same rewards as Xiao He had received from Emperor Gao. Xun Yu, however, took no advantage from his situation. On the contrary, he was prepared to give his own life in order that the Han dynasty might receive the benefit. Surely this is exceptional conduct?"[18][19]

Yi Zhongtian's views

[edit]

Yi Zhongtian, a history professor from Xiamen University, discussed Xun Yu's death in one episode of his Pin San Guo lecture series on the CCTV programme Lecture Room. He pointed out that Xun Yu's role as an adviser to Cao Cao was similar to that of a lawyer's duty to his/her client, as he was expected to act in Cao Cao's best interests. However, he was an exception because, unlike many other advisers of his time, he held on firmly to his own political ideals and ethical principles even if it meant going against his lord's interests. As Xun Yu's dream was to revive the declining Han dynasty, he chose to work with Cao Cao and help him pacify and restore stability to the Han Empire. However, when Cao Cao became increasingly powerful and ambitious, Xun Yu began to worry that Cao would usurp the Han throne one day. He found it particularly unacceptable that Cao Cao would be enfeoffed as a duke, with his own dukedom independent from the Han central government's control. At the point in time, his hopes and dreams of reviving the Han dynasty were shattered because he realised the tragic irony of his actions, and knew very well that he could neither support nor oppose Cao Cao since either way would eventually lead to the end of the Han dynasty. Yi Zhongtian said it was extremely heartbreaking for a person like Xun Yu, who had strong ideals and principles of his own, to see his hopes and dreams destroyed, hence he chose to end his life. Yi Zhongtian also believed that one reason why Cao Cao ultimately never usurped the Han throne was that he had been deeply affected by Xun Yu's death.[20]

Appraisal

[edit]

Chen Qun and Kong Rong once had a discussion on famous people from Runan and Yingchuan commanderies. Chen Qun said: "Xun Wenruo (Xun Yu), Gongda (Xun You), Xiuruo (Xun Yan), Youruo (Xun Chen) and Zhongyu (Xun Yue) are unrivalled talents of their time."[Sanguozhi zhu 16]

The Xun Yu Biezhuan recorded that Xun Yu had produced many writings when he served as acting Prefect of the Masters of Writing (尚書令). However, before his death, he had all of them burnt so many of his ideas and strategies were lost. He once quoted examples from history to advise Cao Cao to promote Confucianism and civil culture to ensure long-term social peace and stability. Cao Cao accepted and implemented and his suggestions.[Sanguozhi zhu 17]

Xun Yu's high moral character and virtues were well-known throughout the Han Empire and he was often regarded as a role model for scholar-officials. Sima Yi even once remarked that Xun Yu was an example of a rare and virtuous talent who only came by in several decades. Among the people Xun Yu recommended and promoted, there were several outstanding talents such as Xun You, Zhong Yao, Chen Qun, Sima Yi, Chi Lü (郗慮), Hua Xin, Wang Lang, Xun Yue, Du Xi, Xin Pi, Zhao Yan, Xi Zhicai (戲志才), Guo Jia and Du Ji. Cao Cao once commended Xun Yu and Xun You for their excellent judgments about people's talents and said he would never forget them for their contributions. Zhong Yao also once praised Xun Yu and compared him to Yan Hui, one of the Four Sages in Confucianism.[Sanguozhi zhu 18]

The Fu Zi mentioned that someone, who lived around the same time as Xun Yu and Xun You, once asked if there were any virtuous junzis in their time. He received an answer as follows: "The benevolence of Lord Prefect Xun (Yu) and the intelligence of Military Adviser Xun (You) make them worthy of being called virtuous junzis of our time. Lord Prefect Xun is benevolent and virtuous, he displays wisdom in recommending talents, his personal conduct is flawless, and he is capable of adapting his strategies to suit changes. Meng Ke once said, 'It is a rule that a true royal sovereign should arise in the course of five hundred years, and that during that time there should be men illustrious in their generation.'[h] Lord Prefect Xun is one of such men. As Taizu once said, 'Lord Prefect Xun provides advice and doesn't stop providing advice; Military Adviser Xun eliminates evil and doesn't stop eliminating evil.'"[Sanguozhi zhu 19]

Chen Shou's appraisal

[edit]

Chen Shou, who wrote Xun Yu's biography in the Sanguozhi, appraised Xun Yu as follows: "Xun Yu was incorruptible, refined, well-connected and elegant; he had the traits of a great minister to a ruler. Despite being brilliant, insightful and foresighted, these qualities were unable to help him fulfil his ambition."[Sanguozhi 37] Within Xun Yu's biography, Chen Shou also included some anecdotes to illustrate Xun Yu's character.

Xun Yu was known for being respectful and courteous towards others. When he held office, he behaved responsibly and did not allow his personal interests to affect him from discharging his duties. He also lived a simple and humble life, with only one escort accompanying him when he travelled around. Someone once asked him: "Given your current standing, can you help me get the position of a Consultant (議郎)?" Xun Yu laughed and replied: "Official appointments are given out on the bases of talent and virtue. If I did as you requested, what will everyone think of me?"[Sanguozhi zhu 20]

Xun Yu and his second cousin-nephew Xun You both occupied highly prestigious positions in society, yet they remained humble and led simple lives. They gave away the material rewards they received from the imperial court to their relatives, friends and acquaintances, and kept no personal wealth for themselves.[Sanguozhi 38]

Pei Songzhi's appraisal

[edit]

Pei Songzhi, who annotated Xun Yu's biography, commented that the last line in Chen Shou's appraisal of Xun Yu was unfair and demeaning to Xun Yu. He pointed out that most historians had a negative view of Xun Yu's role in helping the Cao clan bring about the downfall of the Han dynasty. Those historians saw Xun Yu as having played an instrumental role in reversing the ruler–subject relationship between the Han emperor and the Cao clan. They held the view that Xun Yu, in his later life, recognised that he had made a big mistake in helping Cao Cao because he had ended up becoming a subject of the Cao clan rather than what he really wanted: to be a loyal Han subject. The historians believed that Xun Yu tried to atone for his mistake by displaying exemplary loyalty to the Han dynasty before his death, but it was too late and he felt guilty about it and hence died in distress. Pei Songzhi believed that Chen Shou shared the same view as these historians.[Sanguozhi zhu 21]

Pei Songzhi himself disagreed with this view. He presented his rebuttal points as follows. It was impossible that Xun Yu was unaware that Cao Cao had no intention of becoming a loyal subject of the declining Han dynasty. In its final years, the Han dynasty was already on the verge of collapse, with power-hungry warlords seeking to overthrow it and establish their own power bases. It required someone who possessed the resources, legitimacy and will to save the Han dynasty from collapse. Only Cao Cao fit that description. Since Xun Yu wanted to save the Han dynasty, it made a lot of sense for him to join Cao Cao. Xun Yu worked tirelessly to restore order and stability to the Han dynasty and save the people, and succeeded in prolonging the dynasty's lifespan by about two decades. Xun Yu actually did not deviate from what he set out to do – contrary to what those historians believed. When the Cao family increasingly overshadowed the Han dynasty, and the dynasty showed signs of potential collapse, Xun Yu decided to end his life to achieve two objectives. First, by choosing not to disrupt a peaceful transition of power from the Han dynasty to the Cao family, he managed to maintain the order and stability in the Han Empire that he had painstakingly built up. Second, by choosing to end his life when the transition seemed imminent, he demonstrated a sense of personal honour worthy of praise by later generations[21] and, at the same time, showed that he was a Han subject rather than a subject of the Cao family. Pei Songzhi believed that Xun Yu had indeed fulfilled his ambition, hence Chen Shou had made an unfair and demeaning statement when he said that Xun Yu did not fulfil his ambition.[Sanguozhi zhu 22]

Fan Ye's appraisal

[edit]

Fan Ye, a younger contemporary of Pei Songzhi who wrote Xun Yu's biography in the Houhanshu, similarly defended Xun Yu. He noted that Xun Yu was an excellent adviser in times of turmoil, had no intention of overthrowing the Han dynasty, and was well aware of the consequences of his support for Cao Cao.[Houhanshu 35] Fan Ye also compared Xun Yu to Duanmu Ci (Zigong), a disciple of Confucius.[i][Houhanshu 37]

Family

[edit]

Ancestors

[edit]

Xun Yu's ancestor was the Confucian philosopher Xun Kuang (fl. third century BC), who is better known as Xun Zi (or "Master Xun").

Xun Yu's grandfather, Xun Shu (荀淑), lived through the reigns of Emperors Shun and Huan in the Eastern Han dynasty and was famous for being highly intelligent, knowledgeable, and of high moral character. He was also very well-connected, with acquaintances and close friends such as Li Gu, Li Ying, Li Zhao (李昭), Huang Shudu (黃叔度) and Wang Chang (王暢). He served as the Prefect of Langling County (朗陵縣)[Houhanshu 38] and later as a Chancellor to the Marquis of Langling County, and died while serving in office. His contemporaries nicknamed him "Divine Gentleman" (神君).[Sanguozhi 39][Sanguozhi zhu 23][Sanguozhi zhu 24] Xun Shu had eight sons, who were nicknamed the "Eight Dragons of the Xun Family" (荀氏八龍).[Sanguozhi 40][Sanguozhi zhu 25] Yuan Kang (苑康), the Prefect of Xihaoli (西豪里), where Xun Shu lived, once compared Xun Shu's eight sons to the eight sons of the mythical emperor Zhuanxu.[Sanguozhi zhu 26]

Xun Yu's father, Xun Gun (荀緄), was Xun Shu's second son. He served as the Chancellor of the Jinan State (濟南國).[Sanguozhi 41]

Among Xun Yu's seven uncles, the most notable one was the sixth, Xun Shuang. Xun Shuang started his official career as a commoner and rose through the ranks quickly to become Minister of Works (one of the Three Ducal Ministers) within 95 days. Before reaching that highly prestigious office, Xun Shuang had held the appointments of Chancellor of Pingyuan County (平原縣) and Minister of the Household (光祿勳).[Sanguozhi 42][Sanguozhi zhu 27]

Siblings

[edit]

Xun You had at least four brothers. Only two of them were mentioned in historical records.

  • Xun Yan (荀衍), courtesy name Xiuruo (休若), was Xun Yu's third brother. He served as a Colonel and Army Inspector (監軍校尉) under Cao Cao, and was put in charge of guarding Ye City after Cao defeated Yuan Shang at the Battle of Ye in 204 and conquered the city. When Cao Cao was away to continue his campaign against Yuan Shang, Yuan Shang's cousin Gao Gan secretly sent troops to launch a sneak attack on Ye city. However, Xun Yan detected their advance and led the defending troops to destroy the enemy. He was awarded a marquis title in recognition of his contributions.[Sanguozhi 43]
  • Xun Chen, courtesy name Youruo (友若), was Xun Yu's fourth brother.

Immediate family

[edit]

The Houhanshu mentioned that Xun Yu's father, Xun Gun, arranged for a marriage between his son and the (foster) daughter of a court eunuch, Tang Heng (唐衡). Xun Gun feared the highly influential court eunuchs[Houhanshu 39] and wanted to curry favour with them. The Dianlue further mentioned that Tang Heng initially wanted to marry his (foster) daughter to Fu Gongming (傅公明) of Runan Commandery (汝南郡) but Fu Gongming declined. Xun Gun was scorned because he forced his son to marry a court eunuch's (foster) daughter.[Sanguozhi zhu 28] Pei Songzhi, who annotated Xun Yu's biography in the Sanguozhi, disputed this account. He noted that the Han Ji (漢紀) mentioned that Tang Heng died long before Xun Yu reached a marriageable age, so it was highly unlikely that the marriage took place. Pei Songzhi also argued that Xun Gun would be very unlikely to accept such a marriage because it could potentially harm the Xun family's reputation.[Sanguozhi zhu 29]

Xun Yu had at least seven sons and one daughter. His daughter married Chen Qun and bore Chen Tai.[j] Only five of his sons are mentioned in history. They lived into the Three Kingdoms period after the end of the Han dynasty in 220 and served in the state of Cao Wei, which was established by Cao Cao's son and successor, Cao Pi. The sixth, Xun Yi, lived into the early Jin dynasty after the fall of Cao Wei in 266.

  • Xun Yun (荀惲), courtesy name Zhangqian (長倩).[Sanguozhi zhu 31] He inherited his father's title, "Marquis of Wansui Village" (萬歲亭侯), and served as a General of the Household in the Rapid as Tigers Division (虎賁中郎將) of the Imperial Guards. Sometime in the 200s CE, Xun Yun had married one of Cao Cao's daughters, later known as the "Princess of Anyang" (安陽公主).[Sanguozhi 45] Cao Pi resented Xun Yun because he was close to Cao Zhi and not on good terms with Cao Pi's relative and close friend, Xiahou Shang. Xun Yun died early.[Sanguozhi 46]
  • Xun Yu (荀俁), courtesy name Shuqian (叔倩).[Sanguozhi zhu 32] He served as a Palace Assistant Imperial Clerk (御史中丞).[Sanguozhi 47]
  • Xun Shen (荀詵), courtesy name Manqian (曼倩).[Sanguozhi zhu 33] He served as an Assistant to the General-in-Chief (大將軍從事中郎) and died early.[Sanguozhi 48]
  • Xun Yi (荀顗), courtesy name Jingqian (景倩), was Xun Yu's sixth son.[Jin Shu 2]
  • Xun Can (荀粲), courtesy name Fengqian (奉倩).

Other notable relatives

[edit]

Xun Yue, one of Xun Yu's cousins,[Sanguozhi zhu 34] served as a historian under Emperor Xian and wrote 13 chapters of the historical text Annals of Han (漢紀).[Sanguozhi zhu 35]

Xun You, a second cousin-nephew of Xun Yu, also served as one of Cao Cao's top advisers, held important appointments such as Central Military Adviser (中軍師) and Prefect of the Masters of Writing (尚書令), and was enfeoffed as the "Marquis of Lingshu Village" (陵樹亭侯) in 202.

Xun Xu (荀勗), a great-grandson of Xun Yu's sixth uncle Xun Shuang, was a prominent politician, musician, scholar and artist in the state of Cao Wei during the Three Kingdoms period and in the early Jin dynasty.

Anecdotes

[edit]

Cao Cao invented a type of hat, the qia (帢), for casual wear.[Sanguozhi zhu 36] The qia's original design had no split ends. Xun Yu once wore a qia and was walking along the road when his qia got caught in some tree branches and its ends became split. At the time, many people who admired Xun Yu also started wearing qias with split ends. Since then, wearing qias with split ends became a fashionable trend.[22][23]

Xi Zuochi's Xiangyang Ji recorded that when Xun Yu visited people's homes, the fragrant scent from the sachets or perfumes he used lingered up to three days.[24] This gave rise to the use of terms such as Linggong Xiang (令公香; "fragrance of the Lord Prefect"), Lingjun Xiang (令君香; "fragrance of the Gentleman Prefect"), Xun Ling Xiang (荀令香; "fragrance of Prefect Xun") to describe elegance, fragrance and beauty. Poets and writers such as Li Duan (李端), Wang Wei, Li Shangyin, Li Qi and Li Baiyao had also made reference to the fragrance in their poems and writings.

The origin of the Chinese idiom jian bi qing ye (堅壁清野; literally "solid walls and cleared fields") has been attributed to Xun Yu when he dissuaded Cao Cao from attacking Tao Qian in the summer of 195. The idiom refers to a scorched earth strategy, where one side fortifies its defences ("solid walls") and moves away all resources and facilities from open areas to behind city walls ("cleared fields") to deny an enemy access to supplies and make it difficult for the enemy to mount an assault. This idiom was referenced in later works such as the Book of Jin[25] and Qin Guan's Xianyu Zijun Xing Zhuang (鮮于子駿行狀).[26]

[edit]

In Koei's video game Dynasty Warriors 7: Empires, fans voted in the Facebook and Twitter poll for one of the new officers to have the name Xun Yu. Xun Yu became a playable character in Koei's Dynasty Warriors 8: Empires.

In Koei's Kessen II, Xun Yu plays a prominent role, although the character is portrayed as a woman who harbours a requited love for Cao Cao. In the visual novel and anime series Koihime Musō, Jun'iku (Xun Yu's Japanese name) also serves as a strategist to Sōsō (Cao Cao) and has a huge crush on her.

See also

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Notes

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  1. ^ a b Xun Yu's biography in the Sanguozhi recorded that he died at the age of 50 (by East Asian age reckoning) in the 17th year of the Jian'an era in the reign of Emperor Xian of Han.[Sanguozhi 1] This year corresponds to the year 212 in the Gregorian calendar. By calculation, his year of birth should be 163.
  2. ^ See the section on his family.
  3. ^ Pei Songzhi pointed out in an annotation that it was unlikely that Cao Cao had 100,000 troops at the point in time because he had yet to conquer Xu Province and had made substantial losses in Yan Province.[Sanguozhi zhu 4]
  4. ^ The Cao Man Zhuan mentioned that Cao Cao had ordered his troops to massacre the people in a number of counties in Xu Province, including Qulü (取慮), Suiling (睢陵) and Xiaqiu (夏丘) counties. See Cao Cao's invasion of Xu Province for details.[Sanguozhi zhu 5]
  5. ^ Yan Liang was slain by Guan Yu at the Battle of Boma (March – May 200) while Wen Chou was killed in action at the Battle of Yan Ford (May – August 200).
  6. ^ Before the Battle of Guandu, Tian Feng had tried to dissuade Yuan Shao from waging war against Cao Cao because he believed that the time was not ripe yet. Yuan Shao ignored him and had him imprisoned. After the battle, Pang Ji slandered Tian Feng and claimed that Tian Feng expressed joy upon hearing of Yuan Shao's defeat. Yuan Shao had Tian Feng executed.
  7. ^ The Houhanshu mentioned that Xun Yu was enfeoffed as a marquis before the year 201.[Houhanshu 23]
  8. ^ This line is quoted from Mencius. See James Legge's translation at http://ctext.org/mengzi/gong-sun-chou-ii
  9. ^ Fan Ye also compared Xun Yu to Duanmu Ci, a disciple of Confucius, whose diplomacy to save the Lu state brought turmoil to two rival states and hegemon power to the semi-barbarous king of the Yue state. Duanmu Ci had neither wished for such misfortune nor lacked humane feeling, but the situation made the results of his work inevitable.[Houhanshu 36][8]
  10. ^ Xun Yi's biography in the Jin Shu mentioned that Xun Yi was a younger brother-in-law of Chen Qun[Jin Shu 1] and the Jin Ji (晉紀) by Gan Bao mentioned that Chen Tai was Xun Yi's maternal nephew.[Sanguozhi zhu 30] Chen Tai was Chen Qun's son.[Sanguozhi 44] Chen Qun must have married a daughter of Xun Yu and their son was Chen Tai.

References

[edit]
Citations from the Sanguozhi
  1. ^ (十七年, ... 以憂薨,時年五十。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  2. ^ (荀彧字文若,潁川潁陰人也。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  3. ^ (彧年少時,南陽何顒異之,曰:「王佐才也。」) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  4. ^ (永漢元年,舉孝廉,拜守宮令。董卓之亂,求出補吏。除亢父令,遂棄官歸,謂父老曰:「潁川,四戰之地也,天下有變,常為兵衝,宜亟去之,無乆留。」鄉人多懷土猶豫, ...) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  5. ^ (... 會兾州牧同郡韓馥遣騎迎之,莫有隨者,彧獨將宗族至兾州。而袁紹已奪馥位,待彧以上賔之禮。彧弟諶及同郡辛評、郭圖,皆為紹所任。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  6. ^ (彧度紹終不能成大事,時太祖為奮武將軍,在東郡,初平二年,彧去紹從太祖。太祖大恱曰:「吾之子房也。」以為司馬,時年二十九。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  7. ^ (是時,董卓威陵天下,太祖以問彧,彧曰:「卓暴虐已甚,必以亂終,無能為也。」卓遣李傕等出關東,所過虜略,至潁川、陳留而還。鄉人留者多見殺略。明年,太祖領兖州牧,後為鎮東將軍,彧常以司馬從。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  8. ^ (太祖問彧:「誰能代卿為我謀者?」彧言「荀攸、鍾繇」。先是,彧言策謀士,進戲志才。志才卒,又進郭嘉。太祖以彧為知人,諸所進達皆稱職,唯嚴象為楊州,韋康為涼州,後敗亡。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  9. ^ (興平元年,太祖征陶謙,任彧留事。會張邈、陳宮以兖州反,潛迎呂布。布旣至,邈乃使劉翊告彧曰:「呂將軍來助曹使君擊陶謙,宜亟供其軍食。」衆疑惑。彧知邈為亂,即勒兵設備,馳召東郡太守夏侯惇,而兖州諸城皆應布矣。時太祖悉軍攻謙,留守兵少,而督將大吏多與邈、宮通謀。惇至,其夜誅謀叛者數十人,衆乃定。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  10. ^ (豫州刺史郭貢帥衆數萬來至城下,或言與呂布同謀,衆甚懼。貢求見彧,彧將往。惇等曰:「君,一州鎮也,往必危,不可。」彧曰:「貢與邈等,分非素結也,今來速,計必未定;及其未定說之,縱不為用,可使中立,若先疑之,彼將怒而成計。」貢見彧無懼意,謂鄄城未易攻,遂引兵去。又與程昱計,使說范、東阿,卒全三城,以待太祖。太祖自徐州還擊布濮陽,布東走。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  11. ^ (二年夏,太祖軍乘氏,大饑,人相食。陶謙死,太祖欲遂取徐州,還乃定布。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  12. ^ (彧曰:「昔高祖保關中,光武據河內,皆深根固本以制天下,進足以勝敵,退足以堅守,故雖有困敗而終濟大業。將軍本以兖州首事,平山東之難,百姓無不歸心恱服。且河、濟,天下之要地也,今雖殘壞,猶易以自保,是亦將軍之關中、河內也,不可以不先定。今以破李封、薛蘭,若分兵東擊陳宮,宮必不敢西顧,以其閒勒兵收熟麥,約食畜穀,一舉而布可破也。破布,然後南結揚州,共討袁術,以臨淮、泗。若舍布而東,多留兵則不足用,少留兵則民皆保城,不得樵採。布乘虛寇暴,民心益危,唯鄄城、范、衞可全,其餘非己之有,是無兖州也。若徐州不定,將軍當安所歸乎?且陶謙雖死,徐州未易亡也。彼懲往年之敗,將懼而結親,相為表裏。今東方皆以收麥,必堅壁清野以待將軍,將軍攻之不拔,略之無獲,不出十日,則十萬之衆未戰而自困耳。前討徐州,威罰實行,其子弟念父兄之恥,必人自為守,無降心,就能破之,尚不可有也。夫事固有棄此取彼者,以大易小可也,以安易危可也,權一時之勢,不患本之不固可也。今三者莫利,願將軍熟慮之。」) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  13. ^ (太祖乃止。大收麥,復與布戰,分兵平諸縣。布敗走,兖州遂平。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  14. ^ (建安元年,太祖擊破黃巾。漢獻帝自河東還洛陽。太祖議奉迎都許,或以山東未平,韓暹、楊奉新將天子到洛陽,北連張楊,未可卒制。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  15. ^ (彧勸太祖曰:「昔晉文公納周襄王而諸侯景從,高祖東伐為義帝縞素而天下歸心。自天子播越,將軍首唱義兵,徒以山東擾亂,未能遠赴關右,然猶分遣將帥,蒙險通使,雖禦難于外,乃心無不在王室,是將軍匡天下之素志也。今車駕旋軫,東京榛蕪,義士有存本之思,百姓感舊而增哀。誠因此時,奉主上以從民望,大順也;秉至公以服雄傑,大略也;扶弘義以致英俊,大德也。天下雖有逆節,必不能為累,明矣。韓暹、楊奉其敢為害!若不時定,四方生心,後雖慮之,無及。」) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  16. ^ (太祖遂至洛陽,奉迎天子都許。天子拜太祖大將軍,進彧為漢侍中,守尚書令。常居中持重,太祖雖征伐在外,軍國事皆與彧籌焉。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  17. ^ (自太祖之迎天子也,袁紹內懷不服。紹旣并河朔,天下畏其彊。太祖方東憂呂布,南拒張繡,而繡敗太祖軍於宛。紹益驕,與太祖書,其辭悖慢。太祖大怒,出入動靜變於常,衆皆謂以失利於張繡故也。鍾繇以問彧,彧曰:「公之聦明,必不追咎往事,殆有他慮。」則見太祖問之,太祖乃以紹書示彧,曰:「今將討不義,而力不敵,何如?」) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  18. ^ (彧曰:「古之成敗者,誠有其才,雖弱必彊,苟非其人,雖彊易弱,劉、項之存亡,足以觀矣。今與公爭天下者,唯袁紹爾。紹貌外寬而內忌,任人而疑其心,公明達不拘,唯才所宜,此度勝也。紹遲重少決,失在後機,公能斷大事,應變無方,此謀勝也。紹御軍寬緩,法令不立,士卒雖衆,其實難用,公法令旣明,賞罰必行,士卒雖寡,皆爭致死,此武勝也。紹憑世資,從容飾智,以收名譽,故士之寡能好問者多歸之,公以至仁待人,推誠心不為虛美,行己謹儉,而與有功者無所恡惜,故天下忠正效實之士咸願為用,此德勝也。夫以四勝輔天子,扶義征伐,誰敢不從?紹之彊其何能為!」) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  19. ^ (太祖恱。彧曰:「不先取呂布,河北亦未易圖也。」太祖曰:「然。吾所惑者,又恐紹侵擾關中,亂羌、胡,南誘蜀漢,是我獨以兖、豫抗天下六分之五也。為將柰何?」彧曰:「關中將帥以十數,莫能相一,唯韓遂、馬超最彊。彼見山東方爭,必各擁衆自保。今若撫以恩德,遣使連和,相持雖不能乆安,比公安定山東,足以不動。鍾繇可屬以西事。則公無憂矣。」) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  20. ^ (三年,太祖旣破張繡,東禽呂布,定徐州,遂與袁紹相拒。孔融謂彧曰:「紹地廣兵彊;田豐、許攸,智計之士也,為之謀;審配、逢紀,盡忠之臣也,任其事;顏良、文醜,勇冠三軍,統其兵:殆難克乎!」) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  21. ^ (彧曰:「紹兵雖多而法不整。田豐剛而犯上,許攸貪而不治。審配專而無謀,逢紀果而自用,此二人留知後事,若攸家犯其法,必不能縱也,不縱,攸必為變。顏良、文醜,一夫之勇耳,可一戰而禽也。」) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  22. ^ (五年,與紹連戰。太祖保官渡,紹圍之。太祖軍糧方盡,書與彧,議欲還許以引紹。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  23. ^ (彧曰:「今軍食雖少,未若楚、漢在滎陽、成皐間也。是時劉、項莫肯先退,先退者勢屈也。公以十分居一之衆,畫地而守之,扼其喉而不得進,已半年矣。情見勢竭,必將有變,此用奇之時,不可失也。」太祖乃住。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  24. ^ (遂以奇兵襲紹別屯,斬其將淳于瓊等,紹退走。審配以許攸家不法,收其妻子,攸怒叛紹;顏良、文醜臨陣授首;田豐以諫見誅:皆如彧所策。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  25. ^ (六年,太祖就穀東平之安民,糧少,不足與河北相支,欲因紹新破,以其間擊討劉表。彧曰:「今紹敗,其衆離心,宜乘其困,遂定之;而背兖、豫,遠師江、漢,若紹收其餘燼,承虛以出人後,則公事去矣。」太祖復次于河上。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  26. ^ (八年,太祖錄彧前後功,表封彧為萬歲亭侯。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  27. ^ (九年,太祖拔鄴,領兾州牧。或說太祖「宜復古置九州,則兾州所制者廣大,天下服矣。」) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  28. ^ (太祖將從之,彧言曰:「若是,則兾州當得河東、馮翊、扶風、西河、幽、并之地,所奪者衆。前日公破袁尚,禽審配,海內震駭,必人人自恐不得保其土地,守其兵衆也;今使分屬兾州,將皆動心。且人多說關右諸將以閉關之計;今聞此,以為必以次見奪。一旦生變,雖有善守者,轉相脅為非,則袁尚得寬其死,而袁譚懷貳,劉表遂保江、漢之閒,天下未易圖也。願公急引兵先定河北,然後脩復舊京,南臨荊州,責貢之不入,則天下咸知公意,人人自安。天下大定,乃議古制,此社稷長乆之利也。」) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  29. ^ (太祖遂寢九州議。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  30. ^ (十二年,復增彧邑千戶,合二千戶。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  31. ^ (太祖將伐劉表,問彧策安出,彧曰:「今華夏已平,南土知困矣。可顯出宛、葉而間行輕進,以掩其不意。」太祖遂行。會表病死,太祖直趨宛、葉如彧計,表子琮以州逆降。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  32. ^ (十七年,董昭等謂太祖宜進爵國公,九錫備物,以彰殊勳,密以諮彧。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  33. ^ (彧以為太祖本興義兵以匡朝寧國,秉忠貞之誠,守退讓之實;君子愛人以德,不宜如此) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  34. ^ (太祖由是心不能平。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  35. ^ (會征孫權,表請彧勞軍于譙, ...) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  36. ^ (... 因輒留彧,以侍中光祿大夫持節,參丞相軍事。太祖軍至濡須,彧疾留壽春,以憂薨,時年五十。謚曰敬侯。明年,太祖遂為魏公矣。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  37. ^ (評曰:荀彧清秀通雅,有王佐之風,然機鑒先識,未能充其志也。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  38. ^ (彧及攸並貴重,皆謙冲節儉,祿賜散之宗族知舊,家無餘財。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  39. ^ (祖父淑,字季和,朗陵令。當漢順、桓之間,知名當世。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  40. ^ (有子八人,號曰八龍。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  41. ^ (彧父緄,濟南相。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  42. ^ (叔父爽,司空。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  43. ^ (彧兄衍以監軍校尉守鄴,都督河北事。太祖之征袁尚也,高幹密遣兵謀襲鄴,衍逆覺,盡誅之,以功封列侯。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  44. ^ Sanguozhi vol. 22.
  45. ^ (太祖以女妻彧長子惲,後稱安陽公主。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  46. ^ (子惲,嗣侯,官至虎賁中郎將。初,文帝與平原侯植並有擬論,文帝曲禮事彧。及彧卒,惲又與植善,而與夏侯尚不穆,文帝深恨惲。惲早卒, ...) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  47. ^ (惲弟俁,御史中丞, ...) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  48. ^ (... 俁弟詵,大將軍從事中郎,皆知名,早卒。) Sanguozhi vol. 10.
Citations from the Sanguozhi zhu
  1. ^ (典略曰:彧為人偉美。) Dianlue annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  2. ^ (又問:「曹公、荀令君、趙盪寇皆足蓋世乎?」衡稱曹公不甚多;又見荀有儀容,趙有腹尺,因荅曰:「文若可借面吊喪,稚長可使監厨請客。」其意以為荀但有貌,趙健啖肉也。) Pingyuan Mi Heng Zhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  3. ^ (臣松之以本傳不稱彧容貌,故載典略與衡傳以見之。又潘勗為彧碑文,稱彧「瓌姿奇表」。) Pei Songzhi's annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  4. ^ (臣松之以為于時徐州未平,兖州又叛,而云十萬之衆,雖是抑抗之言,要非寡弱之稱。益知官渡之役,不得云兵不滿萬也。) Pei Songzhi's annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  5. ^ (曹瞞傳云:自京師遭董卓之亂,人民流移東出,多依彭城間。遇太祖至,坑殺男女數萬口於泗水,水為不流。陶謙帥其衆軍武原,太祖不得進。引軍從泗南攻取慮、睢陵、夏丘諸縣,皆屠之;雞犬亦盡,墟邑無復行人。) Cao Man Zhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  6. ^ (彧別傳載太祖表曰:「臣聞慮為功首,謀為賞本,野績不越廟堂,戰多不踰國勳。是故典阜之錫,不後營丘,蕭何之土,先於平陽。珍策重計,古今所尚。侍中守尚書令彧,積德累行,少長無悔,遭世紛擾,懷忠念治。臣自始舉義兵,周游征伐,與彧勠力同心,左右王略,發言授策,無施不效。彧之功業,臣由以濟,用披浮雲,顯光日月。陛下幸許,彧左右機近,忠恪祗順,如履薄冰,研精極銳,以撫庶事。天下之定,彧之功也。宜享高爵,以彰元勳。」) Xun Yu Biezhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  7. ^ (彧固辭無野戰之勞,不通太祖表。太祖與彧書曰:「與君共事已來,立朝廷,君之相為匡弼,君之相為舉人,君之相為建計,君之相為密謀,亦以多矣。夫功未必皆野戰也,願君勿讓。」彧乃受。) Xun Yu Biezhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  8. ^ (彧別傳曰:太祖又表曰:「昔袁紹侵入郊甸,戰於官渡。時兵少糧盡,圖欲還許,書與彧議,彧不聽臣。建宜住之便,恢進討之規,更起臣心,易其愚慮,遂摧大逆,覆取其衆。此彧覩勝敗之機,略不世出也。及紹破敗,臣糧亦盡,以為河北未易圖也,欲南討劉表。彧復止臣,陳其得失,臣用反斾,遂吞凶族,克平四州。向使臣退於官渡,紹必鼓行而前,有傾覆之形,無克捷之勢。後若南征,委棄兖、豫,利旣難要,將失本據。彧之二策,以亡為存,以禍致福,謀殊功異,臣所不及也。是以先帝貴指蹤之功,薄搏獲之賞;古人尚帷幄之規,下攻拔之捷。前所賞錄,未副彧巍巍之勳,乞重平議,疇其戶邑。」) Xun Yu Biezhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  9. ^ (彧深辭讓,太祖報之曰:「君之策謀,非但所表二事。前後謙沖,欲慕魯連先生乎?此聖人達節者所不貴也。昔介子推有言『竊人之財,猶謂之盜』。況君密謀安衆,光顯於孤者以百數乎!以二事相還而復辭之,何取謙亮之多邪!」) Xun Yu Biezhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  10. ^ (太祖欲表彧為三公,彧使荀攸深讓,至于十數,太祖乃止。) Xun Yu Biezhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  11. ^ (魏氏春秋曰:太祖饋彧食,發之乃空器也,於是飲藥而卒。咸熈二年,贈彧太尉。) Wei Shi Chunqiu annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  12. ^ (獻帝春秋曰:董承之誅,伏后與父完書,言司空殺董承,帝方為報怨。完得書以示彧,彧惡之,乆隱而不言。完以示妻弟樊普,普封以呈太祖,太祖陰為之備。彧後恐事覺,欲自發之,因求使至鄴,勸太祖以女配帝。) Xiandi Chunqiu annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  13. ^ (太祖曰:「今朝廷有伏后,吾女何得以配上,吾以微功見錄,位為宰相,豈復賴女寵乎!」彧曰:「伏后無子,性又凶邪,往常與父書,言辭醜惡,可因此廢也。」太祖曰:「卿昔何不道之?」彧陽驚曰:「昔已嘗為公言也。」太祖曰:「此豈小事而吾忘之!」彧又驚曰:「誠未語公邪!昔公在官渡與袁紹相持,恐增內顧之念,故不言爾。」太祖曰:「官渡事後何以不言?」彧無對,謝闕而已。太祖以此恨彧,而外含容之,故世莫得知。至董昭建立魏公之議,彧意不同,欲言之於太祖。) Xiandi Chunqiu annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  14. ^ (及齎璽書犒軍,飲饗禮畢,彧留請閒。太祖知彧欲言封事,揖而遣之,彧遂不得言。彧卒於壽春,壽春亡者告孫權,言太祖使彧殺伏后,彧不從,故自殺。權以露布於蜀,劉備聞之,曰:「老賊不死,禍亂未已。」) Xiandi Chunqiu annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  15. ^ (臣松之案獻帝春秋云彧欲發伏后事而求使至鄴,而方誣太祖云「昔已嘗言」。言旣無徵,迴託以官渡之虞,俛仰之間,辭情頓屈,雖在庸人,猶不至此,何以玷累賢哲哉!凡諸云云,皆出自鄙俚,可謂以吾儕之言而厚誣君子者矣。袁暐虛罔之類,此最為甚也。) Pei Songzhi's annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  16. ^ (陳羣與孔融論汝、潁人物,羣曰:「荀文若、公達、休若、友若、仲豫,當今並無對。」) Xun Shi Jia Zhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  17. ^ (彧別傳曰:彧自為尚書令,常以書陳事,臨薨,皆焚毀之,故奇策密謀不得盡聞也。是時征役草創,制度多所興復,彧嘗言於太祖曰:「昔舜分命禹、稷、契、皐陶以揆庶績,教化征伐,並時而用。及高祖之初,金革方殷,猶舉民能善教訓者,叔孫通習禮儀於戎旅之閒,世祖有投戈講藝、息馬論道之事,君子無終食之閒違仁。今公外定武功,內興文學,使干戈戢睦,大道流行,國難方弭,六禮俱治,此姬旦宰周之所以速平也。旣立德立功,而又兼立言,成仲尼述作之意;顯制度於當時,揚名於後世,豈不盛哉!若須武事畢而後制作,以稽治化,於事未敏。宜集天下大才通儒,考論六經,刊定傳記,存古今之學,除其煩重,以一聖真,並隆禮學,漸敦教化,則王道兩濟。」彧從容與太祖論治道,如此之類甚衆,太祖常嘉納之。) Xun Yu Biezhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  18. ^ (彧德行周備,非正道不用心,名重天下,莫不以為儀表,海內英儁咸宗焉。司馬宣王常稱書傳遠事,吾自耳目所從聞見,逮百數十年間,賢才未有及荀令君者也。前後所舉者,命世大才,邦邑則荀攸、鍾繇、陳羣,海內則司馬宣王,及引致當世知名郗慮、華歆、王朗、荀恱、杜襲、辛毗、趙儼之儔,終為卿相,以十數人。取士不以一揆,戲志才、郭嘉等有負俗之譏,杜畿簡傲少文,皆以智策舉之,終各顯名。荀攸後為魏尚書令,亦推賢進士。太祖曰:「二荀令之論人,乆而益信,吾沒世不忘。」鍾繇以為顏子旣沒,能備九德,不貳其過,唯荀彧然。或問繇曰:「君雅重荀君,比之顏子,自以不及,可得聞乎?」曰:「夫明君師臣,其次友之。以太祖之聦明,每有大事,常先諮之荀君,是則古師友之義也。吾等受命而行,猶或不盡,相去顧不遠邪!」) Xun Yu Biezhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  19. ^ (傅子曰:或問近世大賢君子,荅曰:「荀令君之仁,荀軍師之智,斯可謂近世大賢君子矣。荀令君仁以立德,明以舉賢,行無諂黷,謀能應機。孟軻稱『五百年而有王者興,其間必有命世者』,其荀令君乎!太祖稱『荀令君之進善,不進不休,荀軍師之去惡,不去不止』也。」) Fu Zi annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  20. ^ (典略曰:彧折節下士,坐不累席。其在臺閣,不以私欲撓意。彧有羣從一人,才行實薄,或謂彧:「以君當事,不可不以某為議郎邪?」彧笑曰:「官者所以表才也,若如來言,衆人其謂我何邪!」其持心平正皆類此。) Dianlue annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  21. ^ (世之論者,多譏彧協規魏氏,以傾漢祚;君臣易位,實彧之由。雖晚節立異,無救運移;功旣違義,識亦疚焉。陳氏此評,蓋亦同乎世識。) Pei Songzhi's annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  22. ^ (臣松之以為斯言之作,誠未得其遠大者也。彧豈不知魏武之志氣,非衰漢之貞臣哉?良以于時王道旣微,橫流已及,雄豪虎視,人懷異心,不有撥亂之資,仗順之略,則漢室之亡忽諸,黔首之類殄矣。夫欲翼讚時英,一匡屯運,非斯人之與而誰與哉?是故經綸急病,若救身首,用能動于嶮中,至于大亨,蒼生蒙舟航之接,劉宗延二紀之祚,豈非荀生之本圖,仁恕之遠致乎?及至霸業旣隆,翦漢迹著,然後亡身殉節,以申素情,全大正於當年,布誠心於百代,可謂任重道遠,志行義立。謂之未充,其殆誣歟!) Pei Songzhi's annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  23. ^ (續漢書曰:淑有高才,王暢、李膺皆以為師,為朗陵侯相,號稱神君。) Xu Han Shu annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  24. ^ (張璠漢紀曰:淑博學有高行,與李固、李膺同志友善,拔李昭於小吏,友黃叔度於幼童,以賢良方正徵,對策譏切梁氏,出補朗陵侯相,卒官。) Han Ji annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  25. ^ (八子:儉、緄、靖、燾、詵、爽、肅、旉。[音敷。]) Han Ji annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  26. ^ (淑舊居西豪里,縣令苑康曰昔高陽氏有才子八人,署其里為高陽里。) Han Ji annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  27. ^ (爽字慈明,幼好學,年十二,通春秋、論語,耽思經典,不應徵命,積十數年。董卓秉政,復徵爽,爽欲遁去,吏持之急。詔下郡,即拜平原相。行至苑陵,又追拜光祿勳。視事三日,策拜司空。爽起自布衣,九十五日而至三公。) Han Ji annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  28. ^ (典略曰:中常侍唐衡欲以女妻汝南傅公明,公明不娶,轉以與彧。父緄慕衡勢,為彧娶之。彧為論者所譏。) Dianlue annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  29. ^ (臣松之案:漢紀云唐衡以桓帝延熹七年死,計彧于時年始二歲,則彧婚之日,衡之沒乆矣。慕勢之言為不然也。臣松之又以為緄八龍之一,必非苟得者也,將有逼而然,何云慕勢哉?昔鄭忽以違齊致譏,雋生以拒霍見美,致譏在於失援,見美嘉其慮遠,並無交至之害,故得各全其志耳。至於閹豎用事,四海屏氣;左悺、唐衡殺生在口。故于時諺云「左迴天,唐獨坐」,言威權莫二也。順之則六親以安,忤違則大禍立至;斯誠以存易亡,蒙恥期全之日。昔蔣詡姻于王氏,無損清高之操,緄之此婚,庸何傷乎!) Pei Songzhi's annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  30. ^ (干寶晉紀曰:高貴鄉公之殺,司馬文王會朝臣謀其故。太常陳泰不至,使其舅荀顗召之。) Jin Ji annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 22.
  31. ^ (荀氏家傳曰:惲字長倩, ...) Xun Shi Jia Zhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  32. ^ (... 俁字叔倩, ...) Xun Shi Jia Zhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  33. ^ (... 詵字曼倩, ...) Xun Shi Jia Zhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  34. ^ (仲豫名恱,朗陵長儉之少子,彧從父兄也。) Xun Shi Jia Zhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  35. ^ (張璠漢紀稱恱清虛沈靜,善於著述。建安初為祕書監侍中,被詔刪漢書作漢紀三十篇,因事以明臧否,致有典要;其書大行於世。) Han Ji annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 10.
  36. ^ (傅子曰:漢末王公,多委王服,以幅巾為雅,是以袁紹、崔豹之徒,雖為將帥,皆著縑巾。魏太祖以天下凶荒,資財乏匱,擬古皮弁,裁縑帛以為帢,合于簡易隨時之義,以色別其貴賤,于今施行,可謂軍容,非國容也。) Fu Zi annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 1.
Citations from the Houhanshu
  1. ^ (苟彧字文若,潁川潁陰人,朗陵令淑之孫也。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  2. ^ (彧以少有才名,故得免於譏議。南陽何顒名知人,見彧而異之,曰:「王佐才也。」) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  3. ^ (中平六年,舉孝廉,再遷亢父令。董卓之亂,弃官歸鄉里。同邵[sic][郡]韓融時將宗親千餘家,避亂密西山中。彧謂父老曰:「潁川,四戰之地也。天下有變,常為兵衝。密雖小固,不足以扞大難,宜亟避之。」鄉人多懷土不能去。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  4. ^ (會兾州牧同郡韓馥遣騎迎之,彧乃獨將宗族從馥,留者後多為董卓將李傕所殺略焉。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  5. ^ (彧比至兾州,而袁紹已奪馥位,紹待彧以上賔之禮。彧明有意數,見漢室崩亂,每懷匡佐之義。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  6. ^ (時曹操在東郡,彧聞操有雄略,而度紹終不能定大業。初平二年,乃去紹從操。操與語大恱,曰:「吾子房也。」以為奮武司馬,時年二十九。明年,又為操鎮東司馬。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  7. ^ (彧又進操計謀之士從子攸,及鍾繇、郭嘉、陳羣、杜襲、司馬懿、戲志才等,皆稱其舉。唯嚴象為楊州,韋康為涼州,後並負敗焉。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  8. ^ (興平元年,操東擊陶謙,使彧守甄城,任以留事。會張邈、陳宮以兖州反操,而潛迎呂布。布旣至,諸城悉應之。邈乃使人譎彧曰:「呂將軍來助曹使君擊陶謙,宜亟供軍實。」彧知邈有變,即勒兵設備,故邈計不行。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  9. ^ (豫州刺史郭貢率兵數萬來到城下,求見彧。彧將往,東郡太守夏侯惇等止之。曰:「何知貢不與呂布同謀,而輕欲見之。今君為一州之鎮,往必危也。」彧曰:「貢與邈等分非素結,今來速者,計必未定,及其猶豫,宜時說之,縱不為用,可使中立。若先懷疑嫌,彼將怒而成謀,不如往也。」貢旣見彧無懼意,知城不可攻,遂引而去。彧乃使程昱說范、東阿,使固其守,卒全三城以待操焉。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  10. ^ (二年,陶謙死,操欲遂取徐州,還定呂布。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  11. ^ (彧諫曰:「昔高祖保關中,光武據河內,皆深根固本,以制天下。進可以勝敵,退足以堅守,故雖有困敗,而終濟大業。將軍本以兖州首事,故能平定山東,此實天下之要地,而將軍之關河也。若不先定之,根本將何寄乎?宜急分討陳宮,使虜不得西顧,乘其閒而收熟麥,約食稸穀,以資一舉,則呂布不足破也。今舍之而東,未見其便。多留兵則力不勝敵,少留兵則後不足固。布乘虛寇暴,震動人心,縱數城或全,其餘非復己有,則將軍尚安歸乎?且前討徐州,威罰實行,其子弟念父兄之恥,必人自為守。就能破之,尚不可保。彼若懼而相結,共為表裏,堅壁清野,以待將軍,將軍攻之不拔,掠之無獲,不出一旬,則十萬之衆未戰而自困矣。夫事固有弃彼取此,以權一時之埶,願將軍慮焉。」) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  12. ^ (操於是大收孰麥,復與布戰。布敗走,因分定諸縣,兖州遂平。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  13. ^ (建安元年,獻帝自河東還洛陽,操議欲奉迎車駕,徙都於許。衆多以山東未定,韓暹、楊奉負功恣睢,未可卒制。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  14. ^ (彧乃勸操曰:「昔晉文公納周襄王,而諸侯景從;漢高祖為義帝縞素,而天下歸心。自天子蒙塵,自天子蒙塵,今鑾駕旋軫,東京榛蕪,義士有存本之思,兆人懷感舊之哀。誠因此時奉主上以從人望,大順也;秉至公以服天下,大略也;扶弘義以致英俊,大德也。四方雖有逆節,其何能為?韓暹、楊奉,安足恤哉!若不時定,使豪桀生心,後雖為慮,亦無及矣。」) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  15. ^ (操從之。及帝都許,以彧為侍中,守尚書令。操每征伐在外,其軍國之事,皆與彧籌焉。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  16. ^ (袁紹旣兼河朔之地,有驕氣。而操敗於張繡,紹與操書甚倨。操大怒,欲先攻之,而患力不敵,以謀於彧。彧量紹雖強,終為操所制,乃說先取呂布,然後圖紹,操從之。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  17. ^ (三年,遂擒呂布,定徐州。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  18. ^ (五年,袁紹率大衆以攻許,操與相距。紹甲兵甚盛,議者咸懷惶懼。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  19. ^ (少府孔融謂彧曰:「袁紹地廣兵彊,田豐、許攸智計之士為其謀,審配、逢紀盡忠之臣任其事,顏良、文醜勇冠三軍,統其兵,殆難克乎?」彧曰:「紹兵雖多而法不整,田豐剛而犯上,許攸貪而不正,審配專而無謀,逢紀果而自用,顏良、文醜匹夫之勇,可一戰而擒也。」後皆如彧之籌,事在袁紹傳。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  20. ^ (操保官度,與紹連戰,雖勝而軍糧方盡,與彧議,欲還許以致紹師。彧報曰:「今穀食雖少,未若楚漢在滎陽、成皐閒也。是時劉項莫肯先退者,以為先退則埶屈也。公以十分居一之衆,畫地而守之,搤其喉而不得進,已半年矣。情見埶竭,必將有變,此用竒之時,不可失也。」操從之,乃堅壁持之。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  21. ^ (遂以竒兵破紹,紹退走。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  22. ^ (六年,操以紹新破,未能為患,但欲留兵衞之,自欲南征劉表,以計問彧。彧對曰:「紹旣新敗,衆懼人擾,今不因而定之,而欲遠兵江漢,若紹收離糾散,乘虛以出,則公之事去矣。」操乃止。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  23. ^ (封彧萬歲亭侯,邑一千戶。六年, ...) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  24. ^ (九年,操拔鄴,自領兾州牧。有說操宜復置九州者,以為兾部所統旣廣,則天下易服。操將從之。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  25. ^ (彧言曰:「今若依古制,是為兾州所統,悉有河東、馮翊、扶風、西河、幽、并之地也。公前屠鄴城,海內震駭,各懼不得保其土宇,守其兵衆。今若一處被侵,必謂以次見奪,人心易動,若一旦生變,天下未可圖也。願公先定河北,然後脩復舊京,南臨楚郢,責王貢之不入。天下咸知公意,則人人自安。須海內大定,乃議古制,此社稷長乆之利也。」) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  26. ^ (操報曰:「微足下之相難,所失多矣!」遂寑九州議。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  27. ^ (十二年,操上書表彧曰:「昔袁紹作逆,連兵官度,時衆寡糧單,圖欲還許。尚書令荀彧深建宜住之便,遠恢進討之略,起發臣心,革易愚慮,堅營固守,徼其軍實,遂摧撲大寇,濟危以安。紹旣破敗,臣糧亦盡,將舍河北之規,改就荊南之策。彧復備陳得失,用移臣議,故得反斾兾土,克平四州。向使臣退軍官度,紹必鼓行而前,敵人懷利以自百,臣衆怯沮以喪氣,有必敗之形,無一捷之埶。復若南征劉表,委弃兖、豫,飢軍深入,踰越江、沔,利旣難要,將失本據。而彧建二策,以亡為存,以禍為福,謀殊功異,臣所不及。是故先帝貴指縱之功,薄搏獲之賞;古人尚帷幄之規,下攻拔之力。原其績効,足享高爵。而海內未喻其狀,所受不侔其功,臣誠惜之。乞重平議,增疇戶邑。」) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  28. ^ (彧深辭讓。操譬之曰:「昔介子推有言:『竊人之財,猶謂之盜。』況君竒謨拔出,興亡所係,可專有之邪?雖慕魯連冲高之迹,將為聖人達節之義乎!」於是增封千戶,并前二千戶。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  29. ^ (又欲授以正司,彧使荀攸深自陳讓,至于十數,乃止。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  30. ^ (操將伐劉表,問彧所策。彧曰:「今華夏以平,荊、漢知亡矣,可聲出宛、葉而閒行輕進,以掩其不意。」操從之。會表病死。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  31. ^ (十七年,董昭等欲共進操爵國公,九錫備物,密以訪彧。彧曰「曹公本興義兵,以匡振漢朝,雖勳庸崇著,猶秉忠貞之節。君子愛人以德,不宜如此。」事遂寑。操心不能平。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  32. ^ (會南征孫權,表請彧勞軍于譙,因表留彧曰:「臣聞古之遣將,上設監督之重,下建副二之任,所以尊嚴國命,謀而鮮過者也。臣今當濟江,奉辭伐罪,宜有大使肅將王命。文武並用,自古有之。使持節侍中守尚書令萬歲亭侯彧,國之望臣,德洽華夏,旣停軍所次,便宜與臣俱進,宣示國命,威懷醜虜。軍禮尚速,不及先請,臣輒留彧,依以為重。」) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  33. ^ (書奏,帝從之,遂以彧為侍中、光祿大夫,持節,參丞相軍事。至濡須,彧病留壽春, ... 時年五十。帝哀惜之,祖日為之廢讌樂。謚曰敬侯。明年,操遂稱魏公云。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  34. ^ (... 操饋之食,發視,乃空器也,於是飲藥而卒。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  35. ^ (論曰:自遷帝西京,山東騰沸,天下之命倒縣矣。荀君乃越河、兾,間關以從曹氏。察其定舉措,立言策,崇明王略,以急國艱,豈云因亂假義,以就違正之謀乎?誠仁為己任,期紓民於倉卒也。及阻董昭之議,以致非命,豈數也夫!世言荀君者,通塞或過矣。常以為中賢以下,道無求備,智筭有所研踈,原始未必要末。斯理之不可全詰者也。夫以衞賜之賢,一說而斃兩國。彼非薄於仁而欲之,蓋有全必有喪也,斯又功之不兼者也。方時運之屯邅,非雄才無以濟其溺,功高埶彊,則皇器自移矣。此又時之不可並也。蓋取其歸正而已,亦殺身以成仁之義也。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  36. ^ (兩國謂齊與吳也。端木賜字子貢,衞人也。田常欲伐魯,仲尼令出使勸田常伐吳,常許之。賜又至吳,請夫差伐齊。又之越,說句踐將兵助吳。又之晉,說以兵待吳伐齊之弊。吳旣勝齊,與晉爭彊,晉果敗吳,越襲其後,遂殺夫差。故子貢一出,存魯,亂齊,破吳,彊晉,霸越。) Annotation in Houhanshu vol. 70.
  37. ^ (贊曰:公業稱豪,駿聲升騰。權詭時偪,揮金僚朋。北海天逸,音情頓挫。越俗易驚,孤音少和。直轡安歸,高謀誰佐?彧之有弼,誠感國疾。功申運改,迹疑心一。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  38. ^ (苟彧字文若,潁川潁陰人,朗陵令淑之孫也。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
  39. ^ (緄畏憚宦官,乃為彧娶中常侍唐衡女。) Houhanshu vol. 70.
Citations from the Jin Shu
  1. ^ (荀顗,字景倩,潁川人,魏太尉彧之第六子也。幼為姊婿陳群所賞。) Jin Shu vol. 39.
  2. ^ (荀顗,字景倩,潁川人,魏太尉彧之第六子也。) Jin Shu vol. 39.
Other citations
  1. ^ de Crespigny (2007), p. 928.
  2. ^ de Crespigny (2002), p. 37.
  3. ^ de Crespigny (2002), p. 38.
  4. ^ de Crespigny (2002), pp. 42–43.
  5. ^ Sima (1084), vol. 66.
  6. ^ de Crespigny (2002), p. 45.
  7. ^ de Crespigny (2002), p. 49.
  8. ^ a b de Crespigny (2002), p. 52.
  9. ^ de Crespigny (2002), pp. 53–54.
  10. ^ (荀文若為操畫策取兗州,比之高、光不棄關中、河內;官渡不令還許,比楚、漢成臯。凡為籌計比擬,無不以帝王許之,海內付之。事就功畢,欲邀名於漢代,委身之道,可以為忠乎?世皆曰曹、馬。且東漢崩裂紛披,都遷主播,天下大亂,操起兵東都,提獻帝於徒步困餓之中,南征北伐,僅三十年,始定三分之業。司馬懿安完之代,竊發肘下,奪偷權柄,殘虐狡譎,豈可與操比哉。若使操不殺伏後,不誅孔融,不囚楊彪,從容於揖讓之間,雖慙於三代,天下非操而誰可以得之者?紂殺一比干,武王斷首燒屍,而滅其國。桓、靈四十年間,殺千百比干,毒流其社稷,可以血食乎?可以壇墠父天拜郊乎?假使當時無操,獻帝復能正其國乎?假使操不挾獻帝以令天下,英雄能與操爭乎?若使無操,復何人為蒼生請命乎?教盜穴牆發櫃,多得金玉,已復不與同挈,得不為盜乎?何況非盜也。文若之死,宜然耶。) Ti Xun Wenruo Zhuan Hou
  11. ^ (臣光曰:孔子之言仁也重矣,自子路、冉求、公西赤門人之高第,令尹子文、陳文子諸侯之賢大夫,皆不足以當之,而獨稱管仲之仁,豈非以其輔佐齊桓,大濟生民乎!齊桓之行若狗彘,管仲不羞而相之,其志蓋以非桓公則生民不可得而濟也。) Zizhi Tongjian vol. 66.
  12. ^ (漢末大亂,羣生塗炭,自非高世之才不能濟也。然則荀彧捨魏武將誰事哉!) Zizhi Tongjian vol. 66.
  13. ^ (齊桓之時,周室雖衰,未若建安之初也。建安之初,四海蕩覆,尺土一民,皆非漢有。) Zizhi Tongjian vol. 66.
  14. ^ (荀彧佐魏武而興之,舉賢用能,訓卒厲兵,決機發策,征伐四克,遂能以弱為強,化亂為治,十分天下而有其八, ...) Zizhi Tongjian vol. 66.
  15. ^ (... 其功豈在管仲之後乎!管仲不死子糾而荀彧死漢室,其仁復居管仲之先矣!) Zizhi Tongjian vol. 66.
  16. ^ de Crespigny (2002), pp. 56–58.
  17. ^ (而杜牧乃以為「彧之勸魏武取兗州則比之高、光,官渡不令還許則比之楚、漢,及事就功畢,乃欲邀名於漢代,譬之敎盜穴牆發匱而不與同挈,得不為盜乎!」臣以為孔子稱「文勝質則史」,凡為史者記人之言,必有以文之。然則比魏武於高、光、楚、漢者,史氏之文也,豈皆彧口所言邪!用是貶彧,非其罪矣。) Zizhi Tongjian vol. 66.
  18. ^ (且使魏武為帝,則彧為佐命元功,與蕭何同賞矣;彧不利此而利於殺身以邀名,豈人情乎!) Zizhi Tongjian vol. 66.
  19. ^ de Crespigny (2002), pp. 58–59.
  20. ^ "《易中天品三国》第廿六集 进退失据 [Transcript of Episode 26 of Yi Zhongtian's "Pin San Guo" lecture series]". quanxue.cn (in Chinese). Retrieved 31 December 2016.
  21. ^ de Crespigny (2002), p. 51.
  22. ^ (徐爰曰:「俗說帢夾本未有歧,荀文若巾之,行觸樹枝成歧,謂之為善,因而弗改。」) Song Shu vol. 18.
  23. ^ (《傅子》曰:幍先未有岐,荀文若巾觸樹成岐,時人慕之,因而弗改。) Taiping Yulan vol. 688.
  24. ^ (襄陽記曰. ... 季和曰.荀令君至人家.坐處三日香.為我如何令君.而惡我愛好也.) Yiwen Leiju vol. 70.
  25. ^ (勒所過路次,皆堅壁清野,采掠無所獲,軍中大饑,士衆相食。) Jin Shu vol. 104.
  26. ^ (遠斥堠,謹烽火,堅壁清野,使寇無所獲。) Xianyu Zijun Xing Zhuang.