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VMRO-DPMNE

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Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity
Внатрешна македонска револуционерна организација – Демократска партија за македонско национално единство
AbbreviationVMRO-DPMNE
LeaderHristijan Mickoski[1]
Secretary-GeneralGjorgjija Sajkoski
Vice-PresidentAleksandar Nikoloski
Vlado Misajlovski
Timčo Mucunski
Gordana Dimitrievska Kocovska
FoundersLjubčo Georgievski[2]
Dragan Bogdanovski
Boris Zmejkovski
Gojko Jakovlevski[3]
Founded17 June 1990
HeadquartersSkopje
Youth wingYouth Force Union
Ideology
Political positionCentre-right to right-wing
National affiliationYour Macedonia
European affiliationEuropean People's Party (associate)
International affiliationInternational Democracy Union[5]
Colours  Red
  Black
  Gold
Assembly
55 / 120
Mayors
42 / 80
Local councils
468 / 1,333
Skopje city council
18 / 45
Website
vmro-dpmne.org.mk

The Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (Macedonian: Внатрешна македонска револуционерна организација – Демократска партија за македонско национално единство), abbreviated as VMRO-DPMNE (Macedonian: ВМРО–ДПМНЕ), is a conservative[6][7] and the main centre-right[8][9][10] to right-wing[11] political party in North Macedonia.

It was established as a nationalist and anti-communist party. It has later rebranded itself as Christian-democratic.[2][7][12] The party claims that their goals and objectives are to express the tradition of the Macedonian people on whose political struggle and concepts it is based.[13][14] Nevertheless, it has formed multiple coalition governments with ethnic minority parties.[15] Under the leadership of Ljubčo Georgievski in the 1990s, the party supported Macedonian independence from Socialist Yugoslavia, and led a policy of closer relationships with Bulgaria.[16] Georgievski left VMRO-DPMNE and formed the VMRO – People's Party in 2004.[17]

Under the leadership of Nikola Gruevski, the party promoted ultranationalist[18] identity politics in the form of antiquisation. Its nationalist stances were often also anti-Albanian.[19] During Gruevski's leadership the party changed from a pro-European and а pro-NATO policy, to a Russophilic, pro-Serbian and anti-Western one.[20][further explanation needed] His government also managed to build strong anti-EU sentiments within the country.[21][further explanation needed]

Background

The party's full name consists of the acronyms "VMRO" (standing for Vnatrešna Makedonska Revolucionerna Organizacija and referencing the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO), a rebel movement formed in 1893)[22] and "DPMNE" (Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity, Demokratska partija za makedonsko nacionalno edinstvo).[23][24] After undergoing various transformations, the original organisation was suppressed after the military coup d'état of 1934, in its headquarters in Bulgaria. At that time the territory of the current North Macedonia was a province called Vardar Banovina, part of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. As the Bulgarian army entered Yugoslav Macedonia as German satellite during WWII, former IMRO members were active in organising Bulgarian Action Committees, charged with taking over the local authorities. After Bulgaria switched to the Allied in September 1944, they tried to create a pro-Bulgarian independent Macedonian state under the protectorate of the Third Reich.[25][26] VMRO–DPMNE claims ideological descent from the old IMRO,[27] although there is no known continuity between the two organisations.[28] The historical IMRO was as a whole pro-Bulgarian grouping,[29][30] and its membership was allowed initially only for Bulgarians.[31][32]

History

Foundation and rise to power

Following the death of Yugoslav President Josip Broz Tito in 1980, SFR Yugoslavia began to disintegrate and democratic politics were revived in Macedonia. Many exiles returned to then SR Macedonia from abroad, and a new generation of young Macedonian intellectuals rediscovered the history of Macedonian nationalism. Dragan Bogdanovski who was a proclaimed Macedonian rights movement activist had made a blueprint for a Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity. He had also made a statute, book of rules, and an instruction of how the party will work. Ljubčo Georgievski and Bogdanovski, Boris Zmejkovski, and a few other activists agreed to make a party for a future independent Macedonia. Under the name VMRO–DPMNE, it was founded on 17 June 1990 in Skopje,[33] as a Macedonian nationalist and anti-communist party.[34][23][35] Georgievski was elected as the party's first president in the constituent assembly.[36] The party advocated for the independence of Macedonia, the withdrawal of the Yugoslav National Army, creation of a Macedonian defence force, establishment of an independent currency and international recognition as a sovereign state.[37]

After the first multi-party elections in 1990, VMRO–DPMNE became the strongest party in the parliament.[38] It did not form a government because it did not achieve a majority of seats; this forced it to form a coalition with an ethnic Albanian party, but it refused to do so. The party boycotted the second round of the 1994 elections claiming fraud in the first round.[36] During the early 1990s, the party presented itself as an extreme right-wing nationalist party with anti-Albanian sentiments.[23] It also promoted the irredentist concept of United Macedonia.[39] By the mid-1990s, it created offices in most major cities.[38] The party opposed the 1995 Interim Accord with Greece.[40] During that period, the party moderated its rhetoric.[23] After winning the 1998 election, VMRO–DPMNE formed a coalition government with the Democratic Alternative and Democratic Party of Albanians (DPA), with Georgievski as Prime Minister.[36] In 1999, VMRO–DPMNE's candidate Boris Trajkovski was elected President. Under Georgievski, there was an improvement in Bulgaria–Macedonia relations.[17] He signed a bilateral agreement with Bulgarian prime minister Ivan Kostov regarding good neighbourly relations.[14]

In 2001, the party participated in a government of national unity.[41] VMRO–DPMNE's government was defeated at the 2002 parliamentary elections. In an alliance with the Liberal Party of Macedonia, VMRO–DPMNE won 28 out of 120 seats. In 2004, Trajkovski died in a plane crash and Branko Crvenkovski was elected president, defeating VMRO–DPMNE's candidate Saško Kedev. After losing the 2002 elections, Georgievski left the party and established the VMRO-NP in 2004.[17]

Nikola Gruevski was elected as the new leader of the party in May 2003.[36] The widespread public support for EU membership in the 2000s encouraged the party to evolve into a moderate and pro-European party.[38] It also rebranded itself as centre-right and Christian democratic.[2] VMRO-DPMNE opposed the legalisation of the Tetovo University in early 2004.[24] The party became the largest party in parliament again after a net gain of over a dozen seats in the 2006 parliamentary elections. With 44 of 120 seats, the party formed a government in coalition with the DPA again, with Gruevski becoming the prime minister.[36] In its 2006 party programme, it emphasised the pursuit of EU and NATO membership as its major foreign policy goals.[42] On 15 May 2007, the party became an observer-member of the European People's Party.[17]

The party won 2008 early parliamentary elections. In the 120-seat Assembly, VMRO–DPMNE won 63 seats and formed a coalition government with the Democratic Union for Integration.[7][36] In 2009, the VMRO–DPMNE-led coalition "For a better Macedonia" won 56 out of 84 municipalities, the party's presidential candidate Gjorge Ivanov also won the presidential election.[43] The party won again in the 2011 early parliamentary elections. VMRO–DPMNE won 56 seats of the 120-seat Assembly of the Republic of Macedonia, the party formed a government in coalition with the Democratic Union for Integration in the Macedonian Parliament (mandate period 2011–2015). In 2014, early parliamentary elections were held together with the presidential election, VMRO–DPMNE won again 61 seats of the 120-seat Assembly and formed a government in coalition with the Democratic Union for Integration (mandate period 2014–2018).

Antiquisation and Skopje 2014

See also: Antiquisation and Skopje 2014

The party pursued the "antiquisation" policy between 2006 and 2017, in which it sought to claim ancient Macedonian figures like Alexander the Great and Philip II of Macedon for the country. The policy was pursued since its coming to power in 2006,[44] and especially since Macedonia's non-invitation to NATO in 2008, as a way of putting pressure on Greece as well as in an attempt to construct a new identity on the basis of a presumed link to the world of antiquity.[45][46] The policy received academic criticism as it demonstrated feebleness of archaeology and other historical disciplines in public discourse, as well as a danger of marginalization.[47] The policy also attracted criticism domestically, by ethnic Macedonians within the country, who saw as dangerously dividing the country between those who identify with classical antiquity and those who identify with the country's Slavic culture.[45] Ethnic Albanians saw it as an attempt to marginalize them and exclude them from the national narrative.[45] Bulgaria also accused the country of falsification of history.[45] According to researcher Anastas Vangeli, it harmed interethnic relations and the country's international position.[48] Foreign diplomats warned that the policy reduced international sympathy for Macedonia's position in the naming dispute with Greece.[45] SDSM was opposed to the Skopje 2014 project and alleged that the monuments could have cost six to ten times less than what the government paid, which may already have exceeded 600 million euros.[49][50][51] In 2012, a statue of the member of the IMRO Simeon Radev, who was also a Bulgarian diplomat, was installed on the building of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs but it was later taken down, and according to Makfax, with the explanation that it had been a mistake.[52][53] The party built new headquarters for itself in Skopje in 2015.[54]

Macedonian political crisis

See also: 2011 Macedonian protests, 2015 Macedonian protests, 2016 Macedonian protests, and 2017 storming of Macedonian Parliament

In the 2010s and the 2020s, Georgievski criticised the party several times, seeing it as a personal failure and a fake party without any ideology, etc.[55] The party opposed the Friendship Treaty with Bulgaria in 2017.[56]

As a result of the political crisis, the political parties signed the Pržino Agreement, which also resulted in the resignation of Gruevski in January 2016.[57][58] VMRO-DPMNE was widely accused of nepotism and authoritarianism and was involved in a series of wiretapping, corruption and money-laundering scandals, with the Macedonian Special Prosecution ordering in 2017 a series of investigations against the party's former leader and ex-Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski, as well as ministers and other high-ranked officials, for involvement in illegal activities. In 2018, amid ongoing investigations, a Skopje court froze the party's property assets.[59] Gruevski himself was sentenced to two years in prison for the illegal purchase of a Mercedes car in 2018 but fled to Hungary when he was ordered to serve his prison sentence.[60] Nevertheless, he remained an honorary chairman of the party until July 2020.[61] On 8 October 2018, Gordana Jankulovska, the former Minister of Interior and senior member of the party, was sentenced to six years in prison for illegally purchasing the Mercedes, which Gruevski had used secretly.[62][63]

Mickoski's leadership

Hristijan Mickoski became the leader of the party on 23 December 2017, replacing Gruevski.[64] VMRO-DPMNE has been criticised for its hard-line stance against the Prespa Agreement that was reached in June 2018 between the Republic of Macedonia and Greece, which resolved the long-standing Macedonia naming dispute by renaming the country as North Macedonia and recognising that Macedonian culture and language are distinct and unrelated to ancient Hellenic civilisation. On 16 October 2018, US Assistant Secretary of State Wess Mitchell sent a letter to Mickoski, in which he expressed the disappointment of the United States with the positions of the party's leadership, including him personally, regarding its position against the Prespa agreement and asked him to "set aside partisan interests" and work to get the name change approved.[65][66][67] Despite the party's opposition, eight deputies of the party voted in favour of the initiation of the constitutional amendments to allow the country's name change.[68][17]

In April 2022, a Bulgarian club named after the last leader of the historical IMRO, Ivan Mihailov, was officially opened in Bitola. After its opening, the club was set on fire, and Mickoski demanded that the arsonist, who was arrested, be released.[69] The deputy chairman of the party Alexander Nikoloski expressed later his support to the decision of the Commission for Protection against Discrimination, which announced that the club "Ivan Mihailov" is discriminative towards the citizens of the country on national and ethnic grounds. VMRO-DPMNE deputy Rashela Mizrahi declared also the last leader of the organisation whose name it bears to be a fascist.[70][71] Later, the party submitted a bill demanding that such names be banned for use in the country to increase distancing from fascism and Nazism.[72][73] The bill was adopted, in collaboration with the Social Democratic Union of Macedonia.[74]

The party became the main oppositional force which participated in the 2022 North Macedonia protests, surrounding its accession into the EU.[75][76] In September 2022, the party proposed a referendum under which the friendship treaty between Bulgaria and North Macedonia would be denounced.[77][78] The party is against the recognition of the Bulgarians in North Macedonia as an official ethnic minority, which is conditio sine qua non the country to become a member of the EU.[79][80] In this way, the party effectively halted the European integration of North Macedonia.[81] The party won the 2024 parliamentary elections.[82][83] It formed a government with VLEN and ZNAM in June.[84]

Youth Force Union

The Youth Force Union (Macedonian: Унија на млади сили на ВМРО-ДПМНЕ), also known as UMS (Macedonian: УМС), is the youth wing organisation of the VMRO-DPMNE, formed in 1991.[85]

A number of projects arising from the Youth Force Union were conducted in the past 20 years. It organised demonstrations against the introduction of the Albanian language in the pedagogical faculty of the University of Skopje in 1997.[86][87]

Election results

Presidential elections

Election Party candidate Votes % Votes % Result
First round Second round
1994 Ljubiša Georgievski 197,109 21.6% - - Lost Red XN
1999 Boris Trajkovski 219,098 21.1% 582,808 53.2% Elected Green tickY
2004 Saško Kedev 309,132 34.1% 329,179 37.4% Lost Red XN
2009 Gjorge Ivanov 345,850 35.04% 453,616 63.14% Elected Green tickY
2014 449,442 51.69% 534,910 55.28% Elected Green tickY
2019 Gordana Siljanovska-Davkova 318,341 44.16% 377,713 46.41% Lost Red XN
2024 363,085 41.21% 561,000 69.01% Elected Green tickY

Assembly elections

Election Party leader Vote % Seats +/– Position Government
1990 Ljubčo Georgievski First round 154,101 14.3%
38 / 120
 Increase 38 Increase 1st Opposition
Second round 238,367 29.9%
1994 First round 141,946 14.3%
0 / 120
 Decrease 38 Extra-parliamentary
Second round Boycotted
1998 First round 312,669 28.1%
49 / 120
 Increase 49 Increase 1st Government
Second round 381,196 49%
2002 298,404 25%
33 / 120
 Decrease 16 Decrease 2nd Opposition
2006 Nikola Gruevski 303,543 32.5%
45 / 120
 Increase 12 Increase 1st Government
2008 481,501 48.48%
63 / 120
 Increase 18 Steady 1st Government
2011 438,138 39.98%
56 / 123
 Decrease 7 Steady 1st Government
2014 481,615 42.98%
61 / 123
 Increase 5 Steady 1st Government
2016 454,519 38.14%
51 / 120
 Decrease 10 Steady 1st Opposition
2020 Hristijan Mickoski 315,344 34.57%
44 / 120
 Decrease 7 Decrease 2nd Opposition
2024 436,407 44.58%
58 / 120
 Increase 14 Increase 1st Government

See also

References

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Further reading

  • Mattioli, Fabio (2020). Dark Finance: Illiquidity and Authoritarianism at the Margins of Europe. Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-1-5036-1294-5.
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